חיפוש > תוצאות חיפוש > 1.8.10.השומר-הצעיר.לתרגם.1925.פומבי.hashomer-hazair

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	שם החטיבה		מוסדות הקיבוץ ותנועת השומר הצעיר חטיבה 1 Establishment		פריטים דומים
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	שם מיכל		השומר-הצעיר		פריטים דומים
	מספר המיכל		8		פריטים דומים
	מספר התיק		10		פריטים דומים
	מיקום בארכיון		בארון הקומפקטוס		פריטים דומים
	משנה		1925		פריטים דומים
	מקור החומר		קיבוץ משמר העמק		פריטים דומים
	שפה		עברית Hebrew		פריטים דומים
	סיווג		פומבי		פריטים דומים

1925
רון לוי רוזנצוויג לונקה
פולנית. ציטוט ביאליק
כ"א שבט תרפ"הDo wszystkich byłych szomrów i przy* jaciół ruchu szomroweso w Polsce-
CHAZAKl
2 maja 1937 r., na zebraniu konstytuującym byłych szom-rów i przyjaciół ruchu szomrowego utworzona została Organi-zacja przyjaciół ruchu szomrowego ״A. H. I. D.“ (Ohadim, Horim, Jedidim, — Sympatycy, Rodzice i Przyjaciele).
Ruch skautowy, zorganizowany w ״Haszomer-Hacair“ okazał się w ciągu 24 lat istnienia i działania rdzennym ru־ chem młodzieży żydowskiej, kształcącym kadry chalucowe dla dzieła emancypacji żydostwa i odbudowy Erec. Wartości wychowawcze żydowskiego ruchu skautowego, ״Haszomer-Ha-cair“, stały się pierwowzorem i drogowskazem nie tylko dla młodych generacji kierowników szomrowych, lecz także dla innych organizacji młodzieży żydowskiej wszystkich odłamów sjonizmu. To też słusznie ruch szomrowy uważany jest za klasyczny ruch młodzieży żydowskiej.
Wartości wychowawcze i etyczne ״Haszomer-Hacair" przeszły próbę ogniową rzeczywistości palestyńskiej w tworze-niu lepszego jutra dla narodu żydowskiego, zakładaniu osiedli kibucowych na pustkowiach, w najbardziej wysuniętych i za-grożonych pozycjach Erec, w rozszerzaniu granic Palestyny żydowskiej bohaterskimi czynami kolonizatorskimi (Tel-Amal, Ejn-Hakorej i 1). Jesteśmy świadomi tego, że utworzenie 24 kibuców rolnych, zrzeszających około 4000 ludzi mogło być realizowane tylko dzięki wysokiemu napięciu ideowemu i sile wytrwania, jakie dał im ״Haszomer".
Mie wszystkim jednak szomrom danym było realizować swoje ideały w kibucu szomrowym w Erec. Jednakowoż za-chowali oni w żywej i serdecznej pamięci lata przeżyte w ״Ha-szomrze“ i świadomość o konieczności przemiany młodego pokolenia żydowskiego w duchu ideałów budującego się Erec.
Do tych wszystkich byłych szomrów i przyjaciół ruchu szomrowego, którzy mają przywiązanie do ideałów wycho־ wawczo-etycznych, oraz społeczno-narodowych, żydowskiego ruchu skautowego zwracamy się z wezwaniem do wzięcia udziału w tworzeniu i rozbudowie organizacji ״A. H. 1. D.“.
Organizacja A. H. I. D. będzie podporą społeczną dla ruchu szomrowego, będzie niosła swoją czynną pomoc w wy-sitkach wychowawczych ״Haszomer-Hacair“, w rozbudowie jego instytucyj, a przede wszystkim w utworzeniu szkoły rolniczej dla młodzieży żydowskiej.
Tymczasowy sekretarjat org. ״A. H. I. D." mieści się w lokalu K. N. ״Haszomer-Hacair“ (Warszawa, Leszno 6 m. 16, Tel. 1. 25. 09), tam też należy skierować podpisaną deklarację, którą załączamy.
Prosimy Przyjaciół i Sympatyków, gdziekolwiek ich zastanie nasza odezwa, do tworzenia kół ״A. H. I. D." w miejscach ich zamieszkania. Po zgłoszeniu się odpowiedniej ilości przyjaciół i kół ״A. H. I. D.” zwołany zostanie Zjazd Krajo-wy, o czym oddzielnie zawiadomimy.
Wzywamy wszystKich Przyjaciół ruchu szomrowego do współudziału w wielkim dziele utrwalenia i powiększenia awan-gardy ruchu wyzwoleńczego narodu żydowskiego, do wzmoże-nia pracy na najwyższym odcinku renesansu żydostwa — na odcinku wychowania młodego pokolenia.
CHAZAK WEAMAC!
Komitet Tymczasowy ״A. H. I. D."
( —) H. Gutgeld-Hausspiegłowa, (—) N■ Rołtnerowa (—) Dyr. L Bloch, (—) Dr. B■ Przeworski, (—) Mgr, R. Arsi-Cederhaum, (—) Adig,.. A^Salk^lE• Bejlys.
־.יון -ה:
u.r,n־ ה;
Sinik. ,,Swial“ ,Warszawa.
אל
קבוץ "השומר הצעיר" משמר העמק
חזק!
כמי שתראו מעתון ״זעוו מלאדיך" מס' 10, הכרזנו על מגבית שרשרת העתון, אשר מתפקידה לעזור בביסוס עתוננו הפולני. מיותר כאן ולכם,שבשורותיכם נמצא העורך הראשון של ״זעוו מלאדיך״ ,להסביר, מהי חשיבותו של מכשיר התנועה הנ'ל ומה ערך הופעתו הקבועה. הא' שלמה לנדקוטש קרא אתכם להשתתפות במגבית השרשרת ונרצם לקווות, כי הקריאה
הזו תמצא הד בקבוצכם.
/—/ שלמה לנדקוטש
/-/יהודה
הרשלג
193 6 לדצמבר
Organizacja przyjaciół
Żyd. Org. Skaut.
״HASZOMER HACAIR"
״A. H. I. D.״
Deklaracja członkowska
Ja, niżej podpisany, zgłaszam swój akces do organizacji ״A.H. I. D.“ w Polsce i deklaruję stalą składkę miesięczną w wys. zł. ,
którą będę płacił ..... każdego miesiąca.
Podpis...............
Adres........................
193
dnia
Wydawnictwo wewnętrzne
BAMA
CHINUCHIT
Trybuna poświęcona sprawom wychowania szoinrowego
Nr. 6. © Kwiecień 1907 © Wydaje: R. N. H aszotuer Hacair we Lwowie
Uwagi o pracy samokształceniowej
fizyki. Musi się je znać w zakresie przypi-sanym w naszym planie pracy dla warstwy ״Alef“ i ״Beji". Jeśli brak tycli wiadomości musi się koniecznie uzupełnić je, posługując się podręcznikami szkolnymi i rozmaitymi dziełami popularyzatorskimi (Ciaal: ״Fizyka na wesło“, v. Loon: ״Człowiek ustokrotnióny“, L00n: Geografia w kalejdoskopie“, Wells: H -s'oria świat?). Bez tych elementarnych rzeczy dalej pójść nie można.
Punktem wyjścia dla pracy samokształcę-niowej (gdy posiada się już wstępne wiado-mości) jest badanie siebie i rozglądanie się po świecie. Pierwszą potrzebę zaspakaja psy-etiologia, drugą socjologia i nauki przyro-dnicze W poznaniu świata przyrody najlepiej wyjść od książek popularno-naukowych, a później, jeśli istnieją w tym kierunku zainte-resowania — przejść do książek ściślejszych. Do dobrych książek popularnych z tej dzie-dżiny należą: jeans. Niebo, Podróż, w czasie i przestrzeni (astronomia), Loębel: Świat me-dycyny, Krtuf: Łowcy mikrobów, Walka nau-ki ze śmiercią, Jeans: Nowy świat fizyki, Nie-milo w־: Co to jest śmierć? Loom Człowiek tistokrotniony, Burdecki: Życie maszyn (b. łatwe). Kaempfert: Epokowe wynalazki, Fara-day: O siłach przyrody Na podstawie tych książek można Subie wyrobić pojęcie o ota-czającej nas pizyrodzie.
Z SOCJOLOGII. Dla obznajomienia się z historią warto prócz podręcznika (jeśli nie wyniosło się odpowiedniego minimum ze szkoły, najlepiej przerobić dokładnie podręcz-nik Wellsa: Historię świata) poznać życie wybitnych ludzi w rozmaitych okresach czasu, oraz pewne specjalnie ważne okresy w׳ his-torii ludzkości dokładniej. Biografie i auto-
CEL. Celem kształcenia się jest udosko-nalenie siebie, większe poznanie jako waru-nek znalezienia siebie, uświadomienia sobie swej drogi życiowej Na szukaniu wiedzy upływa często całe życie ludzkie, lecz zgod-nie przyznają wszyscy, że najlepszym okre-sem dla samokształcenia jest młodość zwłasz-cza końcowy okres dojrzewania, kiedy roz-szerzają się horyzonty umysłowe i zaczyna się zdobywanie wiedzy (mitgabrim, bogrim). Oczywiście też i w młodszym wieku jest miejsce dla samokształcenia. Także i warstwa ,aief“ i ״bejt“ młodsza ma pole do pracy nad sobą w czytaniu książek z dziedzin zwią-zanych z planem naszej pracy kulturalnej i odpowiadających zainteresowaniom indywi-dualnym. Przeważają wtedy dzieła literatury pięknej, powieści, nowele, ważne jest podsu-nięcie fantazji naukowych typu Vernego, Wellsa i tp. Prawdziwe, zorganizowane samo-kształcenie zaczyna się zazwyczaj dopiero później, w okresie, kiedy w ruchu naszym zazwyczaj osłabia się tętno pracy kulturalnej.
TREŚĆ PRACY. Nauka współczesna jest tak rozgałęziona i opiera się na tak olbrzymim materiale, że jest niemożliwością nawet w najlepszych warunkach, dojść do poznania wszystkiego. Należy więc w pracy samo-kształceniowej zrezygnować z zamiaru objęcia swą wiedzą wszystkich działów nauki, co może w naj epszym wypadku mieć jako sku-tek ciężką erudycję t. zn. zebranie wieikiej ilości wiadomości. Nie to jest celem, trzeba wyrobić sobie odpowiedni pogląd na świat, trzeba umieć szukać wiedzy — to wystarczy. Ale to jest bardzo dużo. Aby umieć szukać trzeba posiadać pewne wstępne wiadomości — elementarne z hist mii, geografii, przyrody i
te zjawiska, jakie uczucia powstają w nas najczęściej, przez określenie charakteru, (ci-che, głośne zachowane się, aktywne czy b;er-ne), przez zastanowienie się nad tym co na-mi najsilniej powoduje w życiu codziennym (ambicja, ofiarność, ciekawość i tp.). Obser-wacie dokonane na sobie można przenieść na innych, porównać i przede wszystkim uzupeł-nić i rozszerzyć przerobieniem odpowiednich książek. Powinno־ sić przerobić Balleya: Za-rys psychologii w związku z rozwojem dziec-ka, Balleya : Psychologia wieku dojrzewania, Dawida: Inteligencja, wola i zdolność do pracy, Croner: Psychika młodzieży żeńskiej. Dobra jest też popularna książka Adlera: Znajomość człowieka. Dla zapoznania ;ię z psychoanalizą najlepiej jest przerobić Freuda: ״Wstęp do psychoanalizy". Kto chce psycho-logii poświęcić specjalną uwagę znajdzie je-szcze wiele wartościowych dzieł, Z pedago-giki przede wszystkim Claparede: Psychologia dziecka i Pedagogika eksperymentalna, De-vey: Myśli o wychowaniu, Łunaczarskij: Szko-la pracy. Cwi Żohar: Chinuch liador.
Problemy życia płciowego zebrane są w wielu książkach, z których jedne ujmują ca-łokszt-lt zagadnienia, inne omawiają poszczę-gólne problemy. Do zapoznania z całokształ-tem może posłużyć książka Gurewicza i Grossera: Małżeństwo współczesne, Blocha: Życie płciowe lub Klingera: Vita sexualis (czytać krytycznie).
LITERATURA PIĘKNA. W samokształcę-mu naszym zajmuje poczytne miejsce. Wy-bór odpowiedniej lektury w tej dziedzinie jest trudny ze względu na olbrzymi wybór. Dlatego należy czytać autorów, do których mamy zaufanie, a być ostrożnym w wyborze ״nowości“. Ważne miejsce powinny w lektu-rze raszej zająć dzieła klasycznych mistrzów literatury dawnych wieków. Są oni dzisiaj w naszym ruchu przeważnie zlekceważeni, mi-mo, że utwory ich zawierają tyle mądrych my-śli, odznaczają się taką pięknością i wywolu-ją tvie uczuć estetycznych, że należy współ-czuć z człowiekiem którenu nie datiem było zaznajomić się z Iliadą Homera, z Prometeu-szem skowanym Ajschylosa, Królem Edypem Sofoklesa, Baśniami 1001 nocy, Don Kichotem, Cydem — Gorneille'a, Skąpcem Moliera, Mam-letem, Makbetem, czy Snem nocy letniej Szekspira, Ivanhoe W. Scotta, Faustem Goc-thego, Wilhelmem Tellem i balladami Schil-lera. Korsarzem Byrona, Księgą Pieśni Hei-nego, Kainem, Brandem i Upiorami Ibsena, poezją Puszkina, Zbrodnią i karą Dostojew-skiego, dziełami Balzaca 1 Nietzchego. '111 też należy literatura narodowa.
Nie można wyłączyć jej z pracy samo-kształceniowej. Przede wszystkim należy po-reądnie tiauezyć się języka żydowskiego i ile-brajskiego. U wielu utarło się przekonanie, że języka żydowskiego nie należy się uczyć, bo nie posiada on rzekomo zasad gramatyki(!). Po przeczytaniu ״Sztaplu” Weinreicha i zapo-
biografie, prócz tego, że dokładniej przedsta-wiają nam obraz pewnej epoki historycznej, posiadają też wartość ze względu na momen-ty wychowawcze. Ciekawe są pamiętniki Rus-seau, Goethego (Dichtung u. Wehrheit) Dar-wina, Milla, Tołstoja (Spowiedź), Kropotkina: Wspomnienia rewolucjonisty, Gorkija: Moje dzieciństwo, Trockiego: Moje życie. Do działu tego należą też dobre biografie Ludwiga: Syn człowieczy (Chrystus), Napoleon, Rollanda: Bethoven, Fiilop-Mullera: Lenin i Ghandi, Rollanda: Ghandi. Z dzieł traktujących o speęjalnych okresach historii dla tych, któ-rych ta dziedzina wiedzy bardziej interesuje : Mommsen: Historia Rzymu, Burckhard: Kultu-ra odrodzenia, Kropotkin: Wielka rewolucja francuska, Russel: Wiek XIX, Trocki: Historia rewolucji rosyjskiej.
Naukę o społeczeństwie współczesuym należy poprzedzić dziełami o powstaniu i ro-zwoju społeczeństwa: Tylor: Antropologia, Engels: Pochodzenie rodziny, własności pry-watnej i państwa, Bogdanów: Ekonomia poli-tyczna, Beer: Historia socjalizmu i walk spo-łecznych. Książki te zresztą już od dawna mają prawo obywatelstwa w naszym ruchu. Trudniejsza jest ekonomja społeczna, ale bez niej obejść się nie można. Prócz Bogdanowa winno się poznać jeszcze jedną książkę z tej dziedziny, Kautski׳ Zasady socjalizmu (b. łat-we), Kautski: Nauki ekonomiczne K. Marksa (trudniejsze), Cole: Istotny sens marksismu, Dunker, Goldschmidt i Witvogel: Ekonomia polityczna (nadaje się specjalnie dobrze do przerobienia). Za wprowadzenie w socjologię może służyć książka Lorii lub Kulczyckiego, względnie Limanowskiego: ״Wstęp do socjo-logii. Równocześnie z tym trzeba zapoznać się z rozwojem społecznym i współczesnymi prądami społecznymi: Beer, Kautski: Zasady socjalizmu, M tiifest, Rosenberg: Historia bolszewizmu, D. G. W.: Historia międzynar. ruchu robotniczego, Leniu: Dzieła, Silone: Faszyzm, Buchariti: Imperializm i gospodarka światowa względnie Lenin: Imperializm jako ostatni etap kapitalizmu, Aragon: Ekonomia polityczna imoerializmu׳. Interesujący się bar-dziej tą dziedziną znajdą pozatym szereg książek starszych i nowszych. Ze starszych: Rousseau: O umowie społecznej, Plato: Rzecz-pospolita, Morus: Utopia, Lassale: O konsty-tucji. Teorię socjalizmu, która jest nierozer-walnie złączona z prawami rozwoju ludzkiego można doznać z ״Zasad socjalizmu“, ״Od utopii do nauki”, ״Istotny sens marksizmu”, ״Państwo a rewolucja”. Dla poznania rozwo-ju społecznego Żydostwa. przede wszystkim Borochow: U״zer Platform. Di ekonomisze Entwiklung fytim jidyszu folk, Klasenkamf yn di tiacjonałe frage, Ruppin: Die Soziologie der Judem
BADANIE SIEBIE. Jednym z ważnych czynników rozwoju jednostki jest poznanie siebie. Wymaga to samoobserwacji. Przez uświadomienie sobie jak reagujemy na rozmai-
2
krystalizację. Podobne choć większe znaczę-nie ma dyskusja, w której ujawniają się róż-ne ujęcia i ustosunkowania do tej samej kwestii. Pobudza to krytycyzm, rozwija umysł, zwłaszcza gdy bierze się w dyskusji aktywny udział. Referat ma znaczenie wtedy, jeśli jest odpowiednio przyjęty, skoro się jest do tego przygotowany. W obręb samokształcenia wchodzi też kształcenie zmysłu estetycz-nego przez odpowiednią lekturę (są książki, które swym wyglądem sprawiają radość i do-starczają miłych uczuć estetycznych np. ״Dzie-ciaki" Eippera lub ״Chewraja* ״Sejfer Hanoar haowejd), przez oglądanie dzieł sztuki i za-bytków kulturalnych przez staranie się o od-powiędnie rozwinięcie w sobie samym ko-niecznej kultury życiowej.
Należy wykorzystać istniejącece w wie-lu miastach możliwości zwiedzenia muzeów, wyst w i t. p. Dużo można skorzystać z oglądania sztuk teatralnych i filmów. Ostroż-nym trzeba byc przy wyborze filmów; wiele jest takich, których ,wartość“ wyraża się stratą czasu, pienićdzy i zastrzykiem niezdro-wej sensacji lub iluzji. Przy odwiedzaniu teatru niemądrze jest unikać starych klasycznych sztuk międzynarodowego repertuaru (Sofokles, Szekspir, Molier, Słowacki, ibsen. Perec, Ań-ski), zawierają bowiem często więcej treści ideowej i artystycznej niż najnowsze, rekla-mowane przeboje sceniczne. (Nie znaczy to bynajmniej, że unikać należy nowych sztuk).
NAUKA JĘZYKÓW OBCYCH. Dla szomra, który chce poznać świat i problemy otaczające go jest elementarną koniecznością poznanie języka hebrajskiego. Z natury rze-czy musimy opanować te trzy języki: hebraj-ski, żydowski i polski, ponieważ to dopiero umożliwia nam zrozumienie warunków spo-lecznych, wśród których żyjemy. Ale bardzo ważne jest też dla nas poznanie choćby jed-nego języka z zachodnio-europejskich, uży-wanych w skali światowej (angielski, fran-cuski, niemiecki). Najpopularniejszym i tiaj-łatwiejszym jest dla nas do opanowania język niemiecki, którego literatura jest niesłychanie bogata.
TECHNIKA PRACY SAMOKSZTAŁCĘ-N OWEJ. Samokształcenie musi być zorgani-zowane- Zajmuje wtedy mniej czasu i prę-dzej doprowadza do celu. Należy ułożyć so-bie plan na pewien okres czasu (na dłuższy okres: 6—12 mieś. w zarysach ogóinych, na krótszy: 1—2 mieś. dokładniej). Plan ten nie może objąć spisu książek i autorów (trudno jest wtedy ściśle go wypełnić), ale nnisi wy-znaczyć wyraźnie przedmiot pracy. Dalej po-winien uwzględnić różnorodność materiału (literatura naukowa, w różnych dziełach i pięk-na) i uwzględnić przerwy w pracy. Przy ukła-daniu go powinno się liczyć z rozkładem co-dziennych zajęć, ilością wolnego czasu.
O samej technice czytania i robienia no-tatek była mowa w ״M. Ćh.“ nr. 3 (jak czytać).
znania się z historią literatury Pinesa, pisma-mi klasyków żydowskich i pobieżnym choćby przeglądnięciu leksykonu Reisena, nabierze się jednak napewno szacunku dla języka i li-teratury żydowskiej. Z literaturą hebrajską najlepiej zapoznać się przez podręcznik Uri-nowskiego lub Lachowera i dojść do starej i nowej literatury. W kwestii narodowej. Brak dzieła krytycznego zbliżonego do naszego ujęcia Należy postarać się poznać Bauera: Die Nationalitatenfrage u. die Sozialdemokra-tie, Lenina: Uber die nationale Frage, Sta-lina: Probleme des Leninismus, do kwestii kolonialnej Roy: Indien, Revolution u. Kontr-revolution in China.
Skoro ogarnęło się już pewne problemy i zdobyło niektóre wiadomości wzmaga się żądza stworzenia swego własnego światopo-glądu. Wszystko co człowiek zdobył zlewa się w jedną całość i daje uczucie nieopisanej radości, że zaczyna się rozumieć zagadkę by-tu. Lecz trzeba naprzód uchwycić klucz, me-todę, która umożliwi jednolity pogląd na świat i pozwoli skupić posiadaną wiedzę.w jedną całość. Spasowskł w swoich ״Zasadach sa-mokształcenia” radzi obrać so ie jakiegoś przewodnika duchowego, któryby wprowadził w świat wiedzy i uzasadnia na przykładach, że nawet najwybitniejsi geniusze nauki sta-wiali swe pierwsze kroki, idąc za kierunkiem jakiegoś mistrza. Rada ta jest słuszna. Trzeba się uciec do pomocy jakiejś istniejącej już metody, by przy jej pomocy dojść do samo-dzielnego zrozumienia problemów tego świata. Metodą taką, jedyną, która daje dziś ostoję naukową, wobec powstawania nowych prą-dów mistycyzmu naukowego, jest materializm dialektyczny. Potrzebę i znaczenie takiego jednolitego poglądu na świat odczuwa się z niektórych większych dzieł naukowych. Jako wzór potężnego dzieła otwierającego duże horyzonty umysłowe, utrzymanego w jedno-litym duchu walki o prawdę, może służyć wspaniała książka Spasowskiego ״Wyzwolenie człowieka“. Materializm dialektyczny można poznać z dzieł: Bucharin: Teoria materializmu historycznego, Engels: Anty — Diihring (po polsku tylko jedna częśc), Talheirner: Mate-jializm dialektyczny. Wielkim dziełem rzuca-jącym światło na rozwój ludzkości jest ״Ka-pitał” Marksa. Należy do niego jednak przy-stąpić po uprzednim przygotowaniu z eko-nomii i historii.
Uzbrojeni w jednolity światopogląd mo-żerny się borykać z zagadnieniami współczes-nej nauki i wkraczać powoli w gmach wie-dzy teoretycznej, zapoznawać się z próbie-mami filozofii.
UWAGI OGÓLNE. Pamiętać należy, że lektura tiie jest jedyną drogą samokształcę-niową. Ważną rolę dla samokształcenia od-grywa też: rozmowa, wykład, wzgl. referat, dyskusja. Rozmowa jest ważnym czynnikiem, zmusza nas bowiem do wypowiedzenia na głos własnych sądów, przyspiesza więc ich
O wykształceniu zawodowym u nas
szczególnie ciężkie warunki spotykane w tych gałęziach pracy (niska płaca, długi dzień pracy i td.). Prawdą jest, że młodzież dzisiejsza często z ko-nieczności garnie się do tych zawo-dów, ponieważ nie wymagają one kwalifikacji, dają też odrazu zarobek. Dążenie to jest jednak, choćby z przy-czyn tylko materialnych b. krótko-wzroczne ponieważ człowiek, który zdobył zawód zarabia więcej od su-biekta lub innego niekwalifikowanego pracownika.
Lepiej sytuowana młodzież u nas b. często zamiast wykorzystać swe położenie dla wyuczenia się zawodu, korzysta z niego aby nie robić nicze-go i całe lata tracić na ״obijaczce“.
Dwie bardzo poważne przyczyny każą nam dokładać wszelkich starań aby nasi młodzi, mimo piętrzących się trudności uczyli się porządnych zawo-dów. Jedna, to notrzeba wykwalifiko-wanych robotników w Erec, druga to umożliwienie naszym młodym spędzę-niu kilku lat tutaj jako robotnicy, przy produktywnym zawodzie. Atmosfera nieróbstwa wpływa destrukcyjnie na młodego, zaś atmosfera panująca w sklepie lub fryzjerni wpływa źle na młodego, nie daje mu tej radości jaką daje poznanie zawodu. Jakkolwiek at-mosfera warsztatu pozostawia wiele do życzenia, to jest ona jednak znacz-nie zdrowsza od tej, która jest w sklepie lub biurze.
O ile napotykamy młodych, kto-rzy absolutnie nie mogą pozwolić so-bie na wyuczenie się zawodu należy skierować ich do fabryk a nie pozo-stawiać przy t. zw. ״wolnych zawo-dach“. Starać się należy o to, ażeby młody przed pójściem do zawodu jak najdłużej chodził do szkoły (pożąda-nych 6 kl. gimn.). Przy wyborze za-wodu liczyć się należy możliwościami i zainteresowaniami młodego, jego zdrowiem, potrzebami Erec Wybierać należy raczej zawody mało rozpow-
Problem wykształcenia zawodo-wego i produktywizacji naszych mło-dych, staje się dzisiaj, wobec ogólnego położenia Żydostwa, elementu który do nas przychodzi, jakoteż naszych zadań w Erec — jednym z centralnych pro-blemów naszego wychowania.
^rzeczywistość ruchu naszego wzkazuje, że nie umieliśmy dotychczas postawić na odpowiednim poziomie tego zagadnienia. Jeśli przypatrzymy się strukturze zawodowej naszego ru-chu, zauważymy wśród warstw star-szych duży odsetek t. zw. ״batłanów“, kręcących się bez żadnego zajęcia, dalej spotkamy duży odsetek który pracuje w zawodach produktywnych lub mało produktywnych.
Ciekawą ilustrację da nam sta-tystyka wykonana przed kilku miesią-carni, która wskazuje na to, że : mło-dzieży uczącej się jest u nas 30.4%; pracującej 39.3%, bez zajęcia 30.3%• Jeśli zważymy, że w szichwie ״alef“ jest największy odsetek młodzieży uczącej się (szkoła powszechna), doj-dziemy do wniosku, że w warstwach starszych jest tej młodzieży znacznie mniej, a także zwiększy się udział warstw starszych w odsetku młodzieży bez żadnego zajęcia.
Wiadomą jest też nam wszystkim rzeczą jak wygląda często nasze wy-szkolenie zawodowe. I tu ciekawą ilu-stuację mogą dać pługi hachszary. W spisie członków pług figuruje lista najrozmaitszych zawodów. Rozczaro-wanie następuje dopiero wówczas, kiedy mamy posłać człowieka do pracy, lub kiedy z niej wraca. Okazuje się bowiem, że mamy przed sobą ״fa-chowca“, który mało a czasem prawieże w ogóle nie zna swego zawodu.
Z młodych pracujących w zawo-dach nieproduktywnych, spotkamy dość często subiektów, (zajęcia ostatnio rozpowszechnione u nas fryzjerów, i td Poza faktem nieproduktywności powyższych zawodów, zważyć należy
wszystkiego co moglibyśmy w tym kierunku czynić. Rodzice często goto-wi są ponosić ofiary by dzieci ich zdobyły zawody. Odpwiednie wytłu-maczenie młodemu i rodzicom, może odnieść pożądany skutek
Młodzi idąc po linii najlżejszego oporu wybierają często łatwe zajęcia dające im natychmiastowy zarobek. Rzeczą kierownika jest wpłynąć na młodego w odpowiednim kierunku. Młodzi opuszczający szkołę o ile to jest cała lub część kwucy (co się bardzo często zdarza) zastanawiają się razem z kierownikiem na pogadance lub prywatnie co czynić mają dalej. Można stworzyć nawet w kwucy lub gdudzie kółko zajmujące się szukaniem i dobieraniem pracy dla ludzi.
Sprawa ta jest b. ważna i wyma-ga bezwzględnej sanacji w naszym ruchu. Obranie odpowiedniego zawo-du i wytrwanie w nim musi się stać częścią naszego wychowania.
szechnione wśród młodzieży żydów-skiej a więc: ślusarz, monter — nie krawiec, kuśnierz (dobry krawiec jest napewno produktywnym robotnikiem, zawodów tych jest jednak dużo wśród Żydów). W miarę możliwości powinno się posyłać młodych do szkół zawo-dowych, które umożliwiają w hygje-nicznych i kulturalnych warunkach zdobycie podstaw zawodowych, po czym nastąpić powinna praca prak-tyczna. Dziewczęta należy też w mia-rę możliwości skierowywać do pro-duktywnych zawodów, nie ״porywać się jednak z motyką na słońce“. Szestwo, flizarstwo, posadzkarstwo, krawiectwo, bieliźniarstwo, piekarstwo i td. są za-wodami, w których dziewczyna może b. ładnie pracować.
Możliwości. Można zarzucić, że niema dziś odpowiednich warunków dla zrealizowania powyższych wska-zań. Warunki materialne są rzeczy-wiście ciężkie. Ale mimo wszystko musimy przyznać, że nie czynimy
PUSZKA PYTAŃ
we wszystkich warunkach odnosić jed-nakowo do swych wychowanków oraz traktować ich równo i sprawiedliwie.
2. Czy możliwe jest ażeby kierownik pochodzący z elementu pracujące-go byl kierów, kwucy studenckiej?
Kwalifikacje jakich żądamy w ru-chu naszym od kierownika, to nie szkoła jaką ma za sobą, ale jego oso-biste walory i wiadomości. Dlatego sądzimy, że kierownik pracujący, nie mający za sobą szkoły średniej, może zupełnie dobrze prowadzić studencką kwucę, o ile stoi on na poziomie odpo-wiadającym potrzebom danej kwucy.
W początkowym okresie pracy (przy organizowaniu), jest może lepiej o ile student prowadzi studentów, w przyszłości jednak ustala się stosunek między kwucą a kierownikiem w za-leżności od walorów tego ostatniego.
1. Czy kierownikowi kwucy wolno pozostawać w bliższych stosun-kach z jednym z członków kwucy aniżeli z resztą?
Bardzo często zdarza się, że kie-równik kwucy darzy specjalnym zain-teresowaniem 1 sympatią jednego z członków kwucy. Zjawisko to jest zu-pełnie naturalne. Oczywiście, że naj-lepiej byłoby gdyby wewnętrzny sto-sunek kierownika był do wszystkich wychowanków jednaki.
Równocześnie z tym zdarza się także często, że kierownik uzewnętrz-nia tę szczególną sympatię i wyróżnia danego wychowanka. Pozostała reszta odczuwa to wyrużnienienie boleśnie, budzi się uczucie zazdrości oraz Min-derwe tigkeitsgefuhl w stosunku do wy-różnianego. Są to uczucia b. niezdrowe i utrudniające pracę wychowawczą.
Dlatego kierownik musi się starać
WOLNA TRYBUNA
W dyskusji o problemie młodzieży pracującej
Ostatnio nauka z materialnego punktu widzenia stała się nie popłatną a mo-żliwości same bardzo się zmniejszyły. Młodzież zatem garnie się do wszel-kiej pracy zarobkowej już od naj-wcześniejszych lat, nieraz przed ukoń-czeniem szkoły powszechnej. Młodzież wciągnięta w tryby zarobkowania ma mało czasu do nauki, zapał do niej ostyga i poziom intelektualny coraz bardziej obniża się. Wyrasta młodzież z małymi potrzebami, o ciasnym hory-zoncie myślenia, zadowalająca sic ta-nimi emocjami duchowymi, żyjąca zasadą ״carpe diem“, poddająca się rzeczywistości, zamiast przeciw niej walczyć, w swojej przyziemności da-lęka od idealizmu.
Jak widać z powyższej analizy, wychowanie pracującego elementu drobnomieszczańskiego jest rzeczą niełatwą, jednak nie niemożliwą i bez-celową. Pożądany jest większy nakład pracy i odpowiednio dostosowane me-tody wychowania. Młodym musimy dać nietylko ideowe wychowanie szomrowe, ale też podstawowe wia-domości z różnych dziedzin wiedzy, by w ten sposób wzbudzić zapał do samodzielnego kształcenia się. Psy-chika młodzieży pracującej ma swoje specyficzne cechy, które pod pewny-mi waględami podobne są do cech wyrażonych przez L. W. Gruntowna i wszechstronna analiza tej psychiki, wiele nam może dopomóc w rozwią-zaniu problemu. Trudno w ramach dyskusji dać taką analizę. Wystrzegać się należy ogólnikowych recept by nie stały się martwymi szablonami. Pa-miętać należy, że prawda nie jest absolutna, lecz konkretna. Wiele żale-ży od kierownika, jego intuicji, która jest najlepszym drogowskazem. Kie-równik wystrzegać się powinien obni-
Uwagi o elemencie pracującym
Przystępując do omówienia kwe-stii młodzieży pracującej u nas, przede wszystkim zważyć należy samo poję-cie elementu ludowego. Leon W. pod tym określeniem rozumie element pochodzący z ״ludowych, bo-dajże proletariackich warstw społe-czeństwa żydowskiego“ i jak wynika z dalszej jego analizy, obiektem jego rozważań staje się element, pochodzą-cy ze zupełnie spauperyzowanych, proletariackich, czy lumpenproletariac-kich warstw. U nas jednak w ruchu utarł się podział naszego elementu wychowawczego w ogóle, na element uczący się — studencki, i nie uczący się — pracujący, który to ostatni dość często określa się mianem elementu ludowego. Jak widać więc zagadnienie nasze jest szersze wobec różnorod״ ności samego elementu ludowego. L. W. zanalizował jeden odłam, naj-skrajniejszy tego elementu. Istnieje jednak odłam przewyższający narazie poprzedni, rekrutujący się ze sfer drobnomieszczańskich nieco spaupery-zowanych, zazwyczaj małomiasteczko-wych. Warunki domowe tej młodzieży jakkolwiek nie są zawsze godne po-zazdroszczenia, są dalekie od tych, odmalowanych przez Leona. Są to prawie te same sfery, z których wy-wodzą się nasze starsze generacje, lecz ze zmienionymi warunkami ma-terialnymi. Dawniej gdy studia obie-cywały korzyści materialne, rodziny tych sfer chętnie posyłały swe dzieci do szkół, nie zawsze licząc się z chwilowymi możliwościami Istniał ogólny pęd do nauki i młodzież sama prześcigała się nawzajem w tym pę-dzie. Psychoza uczenia się była po-wszechna i doprowadzała nawet mło-dzież do przesadnego intelektualizmu.
ze swego buntu, zawsze dawała gwa-rancję? Czy element pracujący na-prawdę nie ma u nas szans powodze-nia, choćby dlatego, że nie rokuje nam młodych kadr kierowników jak np. element studencki? A przecież naszym celem ostatecznym nie jest sam kierownik, nie jesteśmy bowiem zakładem pedagogicznym, lecz ruchem młodzieży o zadaniach o wiele szer-szych. Naszym celem jest jednostka doskonała, uspołeczniona, gotowa do realizacji naszych ideałów. Nie każdy z nas musi być kierownikiem. Można się nie nadawać na kierownika, s mieć przy tym inne społeczne zalety, które z punktu widzenia naszej dal-szej perspektywy przewyższają o wie-le walory kierownicze. Jest rzeczą wiadomą, że element pracujący jest wytrwalszy, nie załamujący się na drodze realizacji. Przy odpowiedniej pracy wychowawczej możemy wiele liczyć na element pracujący. O ile nie bardziej niż na uczący się, to w każ-dym razie nie mniej. Jest to tylko kwestia odpowiedniego wychowania i to jest tematem naszej dyskusji.
Sicchak S. (Śniatyń).
My — kontynuatorami
Według artykułu T. D. element pracujący nie posiada rzekomo owego pełnego ducha buntu i negacji w sto-sunku do całego otaczającego nas życia i świata. Nie stoi też na pozio-mie jaki wymagany być musi od ru-chu awangardowego. Słowem, wraz z wchłamaniem w nasze szeregi rnło-dzieży pracującej tracimy to co najis-totniejsze dla nas: awangardowość i odpowiedni dla niej poziom.
Prawdą jest, że element pracujący przytłoczony złymi warunkami mate-rialnymi i stłumiony w swym rozwoju przez nie — jest elementem z którego trudno będzie nam ów pożądany bunt wykrzesać. Wobec tych trudności nie wolno nam się jednak zachować tchó-rzowsko
Po za tym stwierdzić należy, że ruch nasz jest już w swym rozwoju tak
żenią naszego poziomu, chociaż nie-jednokrotnie warunki obiektywne zda-ją się zniewalać go do tego, lecz od-powiednim wychowaniem podnieść młodych do pożądanego poziomu. Każdy kompromis w tym! względzie mści się w przyszłości.
Do uwag Geni F., z którymi się zupełnie zgadzam nie wiele mam do-dać. Stanowisko jej wobec wskazówek L. W. jest słuszne.
A teraz co do wywodów Tejka D. Gdybyśmy się trzymali jego zdania, nasza dyskusja około wychowania elementu pracującego stałaby się zby-teczną. Należałoby ją poprzedzić jak to słusznie Tejek uczynił, dyskusją nad celowością wychowania tego ele-mentu. Postawienie kwestii słuszne, ale wywody jego jednostronne i fal-szywe. Jeśli się rozpoczęła dyskusja nad wychowaniem elementu pracują-cego, to nie po to, jak mogłoby to wyniknąć z głosu przestrogi Tejka, by propagować zasilanie naszych przysz-łych kadr kontynuatorów wyłącznie ze spornego elementu, i wyrzec się tym samym naszych wypróbowanych źródeł. Działamy jednak w rzeczywis-tości żydowskiej. Przerost elementu pracującego staje się niezaprzeczalnym faktem i do tego faktu nie wolno nam się strusio ustusunkować. Lecz z tego nie wynika byśmy zrezygnowali z elementu łatwiejszego do wychowa-nia. Ogłosiliśmy się ruchem awangar-dowym i takim pozostaniemy bez względu na element jaki do nas przy-chodzi. Trzymając się zasady selekcji dobierać będziemy kontynuatorów z różnych sfer dla nas dostępnych. Różnorodność elementu wnosi tętno życia do gniazda. Mówiąc o buncie młodzieży, należy pamiętać, że bunt nie jest celem samym w sobie i wte-dy tylko ma realną wartość, gdy to-warzyszy mu niekłamana gotowość do pozytywnego czynu, do osobistej realizacji. A czy można twierdzić, że ta mieszczańska młodzież stawiana niemal za wzór przez Tejka, zawsze umiała wyciągnąć pozytywne wnioski
Jeszcze o elemencie pracującym
Rola jaką odegrała w ruchu na-szym młodzież mieszczańska, studen-cka, jest każdemu z nas znana. Ta młodzież, która zetknęła się z wyży-nami ducha ludzkiego, która w co-dziennym życiu narodowym czy spo-łecznym napotykała na tragiczne za-przeczenie idei i horyzontów lepszego jutra, powstających u niej dzięki kon-taktowi z nauką, mogła być jedynym nosicielem buntu przeciw rzeczywis-tości. Bunt ten przybrał drogę same-dzielnego wykuwania sobie drogi ży-ciuwej. Prawda! Każdy z nas przeży-wa ten bunt na nowo i o sile prze-konania i zdolności realizacji decyduje głębokość tego bu tu. Nie należy jed-nak zapominać, że nasi młodzi wy-chowują się w cieple nagromadzonego doświadczenia, jakby usystematyzowa-nego buntu, któremu my nadajemy ton, przez wychowanie ku wytyczo-nym celom. Fakt ten musi przenieść punkt ciężkości z jakości elementu, na jakość naszej pracy wychowawczej. Nikt nie zlekceważy znaczenia elemen-tu studenckiego w naszym ruchu. Przeciwnie! Nie było takiej szichwy, której organizowanie nie zaczęłoby się przy najmniej w planie, od organizo-wania studentów. Nie ma dla nas kwestii spornej, co do potrzeby orga-nizowania młodzieży studenckiej. W tym wypadku uwagi] T. D. są wywa-laniem otwartych drzwi Problem jest dla nas inny. Warunki obiektywne się zmieniły. Przeważającym elementem wychowawczym w naszym ruchu jest element ludowy. Jest to nowa rzeczy-wistość, która wymaga przystosowa-uia się, nowe warunki wychowawcze, które wymagają nowych metod. W tym tkwi zdaje się sedno dyskusji. Gdy potrafimy sobie dać odpowiedź na ten ciężki problem, wówczas pesy-mistyczne horoskopy Tejka będą bez-podstawne.
Na temat nowych metod wycho-wania wypowiedziano tu bardzo dużo słusznych zdań. Chcę jeszcze dorzucić kilka. Najtrudniejszą sprawą, na
daleko posunięty, że może mieć od-wagę wychowania elementu trudniej się wychowującego — ku naszym awangardowym celom i zgodnie z na-szym awangardowym duchem,
Któż zresztą może opierając się na logice i obserwacji psychologicz-nej — z taką pewnością twierdzić, że element uczący się, mieszczański jest dzisiaj więcej zdolny do kontynuacji owego buntu mło-dzieńczego, niż to leży w rnożliwoś-ciach młodzieży uboższej, pracującej? Czy nie staje się dziś jasnym, i wi-docznym fakt, że obecny element uczący się, mieszczański, nic współ-nego nie ma z tym dawnym, pełnym polotu i dobrej woli elementem stu-denckim.
Pewnym wydaje mi się że ele-ment uczący się mający wskutek tego wielkie pretensje, a mało siły i wy-trzymałości - jest materiałem bardzo miękim, fluktuującym, wachliwym.
A odwrotnie element pracujący, zżyty z pracą uodporniony przez cięż-kie warunki życiowe, jest materiałem wychowawczo silniejszym, pewniej-szym.
A dalej — czy zadanie właści-wego sproletaryzowania tego żydów-skiego elementu pracującego, nie jest może donioślejsze od zadania wpro-wadzenia w pracę, elementu tniesz-czańskiego ?
To, że zamiast elementu miesz-czańskiego, uczącego się, otrzymujemy i otrzymywać będziemy element pra-cujący, nie oznacza w żadnym wy-padku tego, że z ruchu awangardo-wego przeradzamy się w ruch ma-sowy.
Istota awangardowości tkwi bo-wiem nie w elemencie wychowaw-czym, ale w samym wychowaniu.
Dobór nie dokonywuje się przy organizowaniu, ale przy wychowaniu — w ten sposób nie organizowanie — ale wychowanie czyni z naszego ele-mentu bez względu na jego pocho-dzenie — element awangardowy.
Marcel G. (Kraków).
liwa atmosfera w gnieździe przywiąże go silnie do organizacji, dla której jest gotów wszystko zrobić, a więc przede wszystkim samemu się zmie-niać. Niema, zdaje się większej satys-fakcji dla kierownika, jak obserwowa-nie swego wychowanka, który ״na oczach” zmienia się z nieokrzesanego i zepsutego ״typu ludowego” na kul-turalnego i pełnego najlepszych chęci szomra. Tej satysfakcji nie osiągniemy w tak silnym stopniu przy wychowy-waniu studentów.
Pozostaje jeszcze najcięższa kwe-stia w wychowaniu młodzieży pracu-jącej, mianowicie praca kulturalna. Oczywiście najlepszym wyjściem bę-dzie intensywniejsza praca, któraby umożliwiła przysporzenie młodym ele-mentarnej wied/y bez obniżania po-ziomu i ograniczania planu pracy. Przeszkodą są jednak ־warunki obiek-tywne. 1 tu nie trzeba być pesymistą. Dygresja lub wyjaśnienie w czasie re-fcratu nie będzie obniżaniem poziomu. Może nieco zwolni tempo pracy, ale nie umniejszy jej. Musimy się na-uczyć wszystko popularyzo-wać, by stworzyć zdrowy op-tym izm, że wszystko jest poznawalne. 1 jeszcze jedno. Na-sza praca kształceniowa ma na celu pobudzenie do samokształcenia. Przez popularyzację, przez wyjaśnianie ele-mentarnych rzeczy nie wykształcimy jeszcze naszego wychowanka, ale wy-każemy mu, że jest wiele rzeczy ład-nych, godnych poznania i zrozumienia oraz zachęcimy go do nauki. Będzie to sukces maksymalny.
Owszem z elementu ludowego wydobędziemy nowe, młode kadry kierowników, kontynuujących pracę.
Praca wśród elementu ludowego może dać dużo radości wychowaw-czej. Wymagane są jednak dwie rze-czy: optymizm wychowawczy, który każe, nam nigdy nie zakładać rąk, oraz umiejętność uwzględnienia nowych wa-runków i metod wychowania, ze sta-rymi wartościami wychowawczymi na-szego ruchu.
Lonek M. (Przemyśl)
jaką napotykamy przy wychowywaniu elementu pracującego jest silne po-czucie mniejszej wartości u tej mło-dzieży i stałe przygnębienie, będące wynikiem ciężkich warunków życia, nieodpowiedniego stosunku społeczeń-stwa do iudzi pracy, a przede wszyst-kim pokutującego jeszcze w naszych szeregach mieszczańskiego stosunku do nędzy.
Musimy więc przede wszystkim kłaść wagę na podniesienie poczucia godności własnej u naszych wycho-wanków. Uda nam się to łatwo, gdy bę-dziemy dużyo mówili z nimi o naszej przyszłości robotniczej, o roli społecz-nej człowieka pracy, o niesprawiedli-wym podziale na ubogich i bogatych, dalej gdy sami potrafimy się ładnie usto-sunkować do pracującego wychowań-ka w bezpośrednim zetknięciu się z nim. Z łatwością uda nam się stwo-rzyć u młodego zamiłowanie do wie-dzy, jeśli wykażemy mu, że przewaga studenta polega tylko na tym, że ma lepsze warunki kształcenia się. Jeśli to jest kwuca w szichwie ״Bejt“, wówczas można kształceniu się nadać charakter buntu przeciw rzeczywistoś-ci, przeciw nieuświadomieniu i zmo-nopoiizowaniu wiedzy przez pewne części społeczeństwa Jeśli uda nam się wytworzyć odpowiedni stosunek młodego do wiedzy i zachęcić go do wysiłków, mimo i wbrew ciężkim wa-runkom, wówczas kult dla nauki i książki będzie u niego stokroć sil-niejszy i głębszy aniżeli u studenta. Wspinanie się na wyższy szczebel kultury przeżywał będzie o wiele in-tensywniej. Właśnie wśród elementu pracującego możemy obudzić praw-dziwą radość poznania.
Jest jeszcze jeden ważny moment. Nasz młody spotyka się na każdym kroku z wrogim stosunkiem otoczenia. I tu ważny wniosek. Przyjaźń okazana mu przez kierownika, może stworzyć silny węzeł między nim a swym wy-chowawcą, dla którego chowa cichą wdzięczność. I tu jest szerokie pole dla naszego wpływu. Tak samo życz-
״Bama“Nr. 4.) — powoduje natomiast konieczność zreformowania naszych metod pracy wychowawczej. Dziś przyjąć musimy w nasze szeregi mło-dzież pracującą, albowiem żąda tego historyczny proces Żydostwa, jak i naszego ruchu. Nie znaczy to, że ele-ment pracujący ma być jedynym źró-dłem dla.. naszego ruchu. Przeciwnie powinniśmy starać się obiąć naszymi ramami organizacyjnymi młodzież ży-dowską ze wszystkich warstw spo-łecznycb. Nasza walka jest walką o wyzwolenie narodu żydowskiego jako całości, którego przytłaczająca część to spauperyzowane i zdeklasowane masy.
Nie sądzę, że przyszła pora by ruch nasz zmienić się miał w׳ ruch masowy. Zadania awangardystyczne jakie ruch nasz ma spełniać są jesz-cze bardzo wielkie i dlatego winniś-my organizować młodzież żydowską ze wszystkich warstw społecznych, ustaliwszy uprzednio konieczne mini-mum wiadomości podstawowych. Uważam, że u nas w ssichwie ,,alef“ może mieć miejsce ta młodzież, która uczęszcza do szkół, względnie ta, która po ukończeniu 7 klas szkoły powszechnej przechodzi do pracy za-wodowej. Zadaniem kierownika jest w te-dy skierowanie młodego doodpowied-niejgałęzi pracy (antidotum dotypowych zajęć golusowych — monter, ślusarz, stolarz a nie subiekt, fryzjer!) z ośmio-godzinnym dniem roboczym, znośnymi warunkami hygienicznymi, Ubezpie-czalnią Społeczną i Id. Jeśli siłą pro-cesu historycznego bastionem ruchu staje się element pracujący i ludowy, należy odpowiednio zmodyfikować metodykę naszej pracy w chowawczej. Zmiana metodyki pracy faktycznie już u nas w ruchu nastąpiła. Oficjalnie tego jeszcze nie powiedziano, w prak-tyce natomiast fakt ten już nastąpił. Dziś skauting i zabawa w szichwie ״alef“ — to nie tylko uboczna roz-rywka przy innych całodziennych — ale jest może jedyna krynica orzeźwiającej radości i wesela młodego, przytłumio-
Głos w sprawie młodzieży pra-cującej u nas
Fakt głębszego zainteresowania się i poważnego traktowania problemu młodzieży pracującej u nas — dowo-dzi, że jest on bardzo żywotnym u nas w ruchu. Dlaczego przed laty nic o tym nie słyszeliśmy? Przed laty byli u nas studenci i oni stanowili trzon ruchu. Rozbudzony prąd przej-ścia do pracy fizycznej, związany z perspektywą proletaryzacji w Palesty-nie, spowodował rozszerzenie naszych ram organizacyjnych i otwarcie ich dla elementu pracującego. Podkreślano wówczas konieczność uintensywnienia pracy samokształceniowej jednostki 1 wprowadzenie systemu nauczania w organizacji. Fakt przypływu elementu pracującego do ruchu był konsekcją procesów zachodzących na ulicy ży-dowskiej. Procesów historycznych nie należy klasyfikować wedle ״dobry” lub ״zły“ i stosownie do tej oceny odnosić się do nich — bo niezależnie od naszego ujęcia procesu, będzie on naprzód postępował. My możemy tyl-ko ocenić naszą drogę ideologiczną, taktyczną i wychowawczą w świetle danego procesu historycznego. Paupe-ryzacja i wegetacja kulturalna Żydos-twa golusowego były procesami prze-widzianymi (Borochow). Można się było spodziewać, że wraz z podkopa-niem ekonomicznych podstaw bytu rodziny żydowskiej naprzeciw aspira-cjom rodziców — synowie ich i córki nie będą mogły uczęszczać do szkół średnich, tymbardziej, że to się wiąże z ograniczeniem praw mniejszości na-rodowej. Dziś młodzież mająca zam-kniętą drogę do szkół, przechodzi do pracy zawodowej i zarobkowej. Ta młodzież zasobna w takie same war-tości co młodzież ucząca się (czasami nawet większe!) ma miejsce u ras w ruchu i może być zdrowym nosicielem naszych haseł wychowawczych. Or~ ganizowanie tej młodzieży nie oznacza w żadnym wypadku ״obniżenia pozio-mu ruchu“ lub ״skarłowacenia charak-teru ruchu“ — (vide art. Tejka w
wszystkim przeważnie nie ma otoczę-nia młodych. W pewnym okresie wy-stępuje coprawda bunt u każdego młodego, pracującego chłopca, ale bez odpowiedniego poparcia — przygasa, tak samo, jak przygasa w dzisiejszej szkole, gdzie niema dziś atmosfery buntu.
Jedna rzecz jest tu bardzo waż-na, a mianowicie młodzież pracująca przechodzi ten bunt nieco wcześniej. A więc gdzieś w szichwie ״alef“ star-szej. Są rozumie się i tu wyjątki. Pc-wyższe zjawisko powoduje techniczną niemożliwość organizowania w tych samych gdudach obydwu elementów (w tych samych kwucach — red.). Istnieje jeszcze druga kwestia: toró-nica w poziomie nabytej wiedzy. Szichwa ,,alef“ elementu pracującego jest psychicznie lepiej rozwinięta od elementu uczącego się w tym wieku. Pod względem wiedze jednak mło-dzież robotnicza stoi znacznie niżej od młodzieży szkolnej W takim stanie rzeczy duże znaczeń e ma kwu-ca o jednolitym elemencie. Istnieć więc będą kwuce robotnicze i prąci׳-jące. Ogromnie ważne są zadania kie-równików tych kwuc Mają przygoto-wać te kwuce do zlania się. Zdaje mi się, że nastąpić ono powinno dopiero w szichwie bogrim (naszym zdaniem powinno to nastąpić już w warstwie ״bejt“ — red).
Różne są zadania kierowników w obu rodzajach kwuc. Kierownicy kwuc robotniczych będą musieli dać swym kwucom dużo wiedzy, tej — którą kwuca uczniów ׳ czerpie ze szkoły. Na-ieży ten rodzaj kwuc tak zaktywi/o-wać, aby znikło poczucie miejszej wartości. Starać się przytym należy o ładne współżycie kwuc między sobą.
Ważną jest osobowość kierowni-ka. Kierownik-robotnik potrafi lepiej oddziaływać na kwucę robotniczą, niejako staje się dla niej symbolem.
Wszystkie te moje spostrzeżenia poczyniłem tylko na kwucach chłop-ców, co do dziewcząt nie mogę zająć stanowiska.
Arieh S. (Sokal)
nego balastem stosunków domowych i warunków pracy.
Dziś kolonia - to nie wyczeki-wane rozstanie z domem i smakoły-kami, ale fizyczny odpoczynek dla strudzonego pracą młodego. Dziś nasz młody wcześniej dojrzewa, wcześniej pragnie wiele wiedzieć, jego romantyka jest zdrowsza i twardsza od romantyki okresu indywidualizacji mieszczańskiej w ru-chu — i dziś ta młodzież, której kie-równik w odpowiednio dostosowanej formie poda naszą piękną treąć bun-tu — potrafi być zdrowym, historycznie koniecznym kon-tynuatorem dzieła!
el-ek {Lwów)
W dyskusji o młodzieży pracującej
Jeśli nie chcemy rezygnować w ruchu z naszej dotychczasowej pracy i zdobyczy musimy organizować mło-dzież pracującą. Nie znaczy to, że re-zygnujemy z młodzieży uczącej się. Przeciwnie. Zadaniem naszym jest właśnie stworzenie pomostu między młodzieżą tych dwu elementów, wy-dobycie ukrytych i nieznanych nam wariości z elementu pracującego i znalezienie platformy, na której zlaćby się one mogły z wartościami młodzie-ży uczącej się, co stworzyłoby synte-tyczny typ inteligentnago, uświado-mionego chaluca-proletariusza.
Ruch nasz z powstaniem był po-dobny do innych ruchów młodzieży jak Wandervogiel, Narodnaja Wola. Wiemy, że ruchy te padły tylko dla-tego, ponieważ nie czerpały swych soków żywotnych z ludu. Nam paść nie wolno. Naszym punktem wyjścia będzie więc bunt i twórczość dwu elementów: pracującego i uczącego się. Niesłusznym jest twierdzenie jakoby element pracujący nie potrafił być buntowniczym. Niestety, w ciasnym, rzemieślniczym warsztacie nie ma wa-ranków, któreby potrafiły wzbudzić zdrowy, młodzieńczy bunt. Przede
בגלימות האחרונים של הבמה החנוכית נתעורר וכוח על דבר הנוער העממי בתנועתנו. כדאי לציין שהוכוח הזה היה צורך השעה ולבטח יביא הרבה תועלת בשביל תנועתנו. השאלה הזאת אקטואלית לא רק בתנועתנו הארצית, כי אם גם ברחבי התנועה העולמית. השנה, לרגלי יובל העשור של הקבה״א, העומדת בסימן ההסתערות הארגונית והאינטנסיפיקציה החנוכית, יש לכוון את העבודה באופן כזה, שתמלא בגדר האפשרות את מרבית דרישותינו בשטחים האלה.
1. הנוער העממי. איננו חומר בלתי מוצלח. על כל מגרעותיו השונות יש לו תכונות חיוביות, אשר מרימות אותו לדרגא בינונית. הנוער העממי הנהו מקושר לעבודה גופנית, מקנה לעצמו את ידיעותיו על ידי למוד עצמי והשתלמות עצמית, פשוט לומד מתוך החייט. באין לו האפשרות ללמוד מתעוררת אצלו תשוקה עזה לקריאה וכל אשר מוצא בספרים, משווה אל הופעות שנפגש בהן יום יום. ברור שהתנאים הכלכליים מצמצמים את יכולתו ההשתלמותי, אבל זה מגביר את צמאונו למדע, וכאשר נופל לידי ספי־ חדש, הוא בולע אותו ממש. לרוב מציינת אותו פשטותן וקשר אמיץ לרעיון שבחר בו, וכל המכשולים לא יחלישו את זיקתו למטרה שבחר בחייו. היתרונות האלה דרושים לנוער שבא לשורותינו. הנוער העממי בהשפעתו . של החנוך השומרי יכול להגיעו לשלמות הנחוצה לגובה תנועתנו. כמובן שיש לו גם צדדים שליליים שאפשר לשרש אותם. חסר לנוער העממי חוש אסטטי שמתגלה במראהו החיצוני (הבגדים, הסביבה, מלים גסות וכד). בשטף העבודה החנוכית שלנו נ־ למות כל ההופעות הרעות האלה והנוער העממי - עולה על דרך המלך.
2 הנוער הלומד. עולה על הנוער העממי בידיעותיו. הספר הוא לחמו היום יומי וגישתו אליו היא מלאכותית הנובעת מתוך הרגל. הידיעות שהוא שואף מתוך הספרים, באות לספק את ״הנשמה היתרה״ שלו. אין הוא צריך לעשות מאמצים בכדי שישיג ספר. הספריות בעיר עומדות לרשותו ותמיד יש לו האמצעים לקבלם, לעומת זאת זרה לו העבודה הפיזית, שהיא בעיניו כדבר מיותר המפריע ללמודו. בזמן האחרון חלו שנויים בהופעות כגון אלה, פרי המשבר הכלכלי, שהטבייע את חותמו על הפסיחיקה של הנוער הלומד. הוא נוכח שבגמרו את חוק למודיו אין לו אחיזה ומשען בחיים והנהו מוכרח לחפש דרכים
חדשות לספק את צרכיו. וכאן היא מגיע למסקנה שהעבודה והמקצוע יתנו פתרון למצבו הבלתי בטוח. מתחיל המעבר והחדירה לעבודה. ברם בחלק ממנו שוררות עוד דעות קדומות, הוא עוד משתעשע בתקוה שיחזרו הזמנים הטובים.
3. שלושה עירירים. תנועתנו קמה ביזמת הנוער הלומד שהיה האלמנט היחידי בתוכה ושכבות אחרות של נוער עוד לא דרכו על מפתן הסתדרותנו. הסיבה היחידה שדחפה את הנוער הלומד למעשה הזה היתה השנאה הלאומית, האנטישמיות, כהגבה לזה פנה הנוער הזה אל הציונות כאל תנועה לאומית שבה הוא יכול לספק את צרכיו האספורטיביים והצופיים. לכן בימיה הראשונים של תנועתנו התבלטו שני קוים: ציונות וצופיות. הציונות מאז נעדרה את התוכן העמוק והיתה שטחית. הצופיות שמשה כאמצעי לבלות את הזמן הפנוי. הנוער הלומד בשנים האלה הצטיין בחוסר מטרה בחיים. מלבד הספר והמקל הצופי לא היה לו שום מגע עם החיים. וזאת היתה אחת הסיבות העיקריות לכשלון העליה השומרית הראשונה. באה תקופת קהיליתנו, ביתניה עלית בארץ וימי שפל בגולה. ההד שבא מן הארץ מצא אוזן קשבת בגולה ונפתחו השערים יפני הנוער העממי שהתחיל זורם בהמונים לתנועתנו. לאט מתחיל להתגבש קו חדש: סוציאליזם, בהפגש שגי סוגי הנוער במסגרת אירגונית אחת התמזגו מתוך השפעה הדדית. כתוצאה מזה נוסף הקו השלישי: קבוציות, שהנה סיגתיזה של ציונות וסוציאליות.
4 סטטיסטיקה. על סף עבודה איר-
גונית מאומצת יש לקבוע תכנית. לא יהיה בריא בשביל תנועתנו אם נכניס נוער הבא תחת ידינו. צריך לבחור את הגרעון ולהשאיר את הקליפה. שש רבבות שומרים בגולה אינם עומזים בשום פרופורציה עם 4 אלפים שומרים בקבה״א. מה רב הבזבוז באנשים. כדאי להעביר סטטיסטיקה בתנועה העולמית ובקבוץ הארצי איזה אחוז נוער לומד ואיזה אחוז נוער עממי נמצא בתוכם. על ידי זה נדע את האחוז היחסי שבין הנוער העממי בתנועה בגולה ובין אחיו המגשימים בארץ, ואת האחוז במובן זה אצל הנוער הלומד. זה ישמש מפתח מאלף לעבודה האירגונית.
5. מסקנות. אצלנו קיים שווי משקל בין הנוער הלומד והעממי. לאורק במובן המספרי בי אם גם בשטח הרעיוני, התרבותי והחברתי בהסתדרויות אחרות או שאין פרופורציה מספרית
האלמנט העממי בתנועתנו
שווה בין סוגי הנוער או שסוג אחד משתלט על השני. העובדא הזו מאפשרת לנו לעלות תמיד על שלב יותר גבוה מתנועות אחרות. הנוער העממי והלומד משלימים אחד את השני ומוסיפים רעננות וחידוש ערכין מתמיד
לתנועתנו. בזמן האחרון נראים סימני ירידה. הסיבה לכך היא פשוטה: יש לנו יותר מדי נוער עממי. מחוץ לסולם הגילים דרושה בעדנו ססגווניות של נוער. צריכים לכן לשים את הדגש על ארגון נוער לומד, כדי להחזיר
את עטרת הססגווניות הזאת ליושנה. מהצד השני אי אפשר להסתגר מהנוער העממי שמהווה רוב מנינו ורוב בגינו של הנוער היהודי בכלל. אם בחפצנו להגדיל את שורותינו באופן ניכר יש לארגן גם תלמידים וגם נוער עממי. כמובן לארגן נוער לומד מספר יותר רב מאשר עד עכשיו.
יוסף מילבויאר.
מיקוליצין.
בימים אלה צלו צל הקרקע של עמק הירדן קבוץ ״השוה״צ" ״עין הקורא״ וקב. ״גורדוניה״ ״מסדה״. כאן הננו מוסרים סקירה על תולדות קבוץ ״עין הקורא״ ויום ההתישבות הראשון. המערכה.
עין-הקורא
מיסדי הקיבוץ הזה הם חברי הסתדרות ״השומר הצעיר", יוצאי סלובקיא. הוא נוסד בשנת 1929 וקבל את הכשרתו חלק ב״משמר העמק״ וחלק - במרחביה. משנת 1930 עבד כקיבוץ עצמאי בישובים שונים בעמק ובגליל התחתון ועסק בעבודות שונות: חקלאיות וצבוריות, כגון כבישים, קידוחי-בארות ובעבודות רוטנברג בנהרים. בכביש צמח־דגניה וכו׳. בשנת 1932 עבר לנס־ציוניה, במקום שם עבד בפרדסים.
בשנת 1933 התאחד הקיבוץ הזה עם קיבוץ מפולין, שישב אז בראשון־לציון. גם זה נוסד בשנת 1929 וחבריו הם מעולי וולינה ופולסיה. תחילה עבדו בחדרה, בבנימינה ומשנת 1930 קנה לו שביתה במחנה שבראשון־לציון, ועל כך נקרא ״עין־הקורא", שזה שמה העתיק של אדמת ראשון־לציון.
עם איחוד שני הקיבוצים בשנת 1933 והשבת מצב־העבודה בארץ, יכול הקיבוץ לקלוט עוד חברים ולחשוב על חסכונות לקראת התישבות קבועה. באותה השנה יצא שליחם לצ׳כוסלוב־ קיה ואירגן את המגבית של ״מפעל ארלוזורוב״, במטרה שקיבוצם יתישב על האדמה אשר תקנה לשם כך. במשך שנית הגיאות ששררו בארץ עד אביב 1936 הספיק הקיבוץ לחסוך כשלושת אלפים לא״י. רוב חברי הקיבוץ התכשרו בכל ענפי החקלאות בארץ וחלק התמחה ברפתות הולנד. הקדישו, ביחוד, תשומת־לב לענף האחרון וכל הכרוך בו, כגון: גי־ולי-מספוא וכן גם בגדולי׳ירקות שלחין, הכל בכיוון לאותו טיפוס המשק הנהוג בעמק־הירדן. קיבוץ ״עין-הקורא״ מנה בשנת 112-1936 חברים (58 חברים, 56 חברות), מהם 40 משפחות, 32 רווקים.
למשפחות 20 ילדים. ותק החברים בארץ הוא: 23 חברים-8 שנים; 22 חבדים-7 שנים; 20 חברים-6שנים; 24 חברים-5 שנים; 6 חברים 4 שנים ; והשאר פחות מארבע שנים.
העליה על אדמת צמח
״...העבודה היתה רבה, בימי סכנה אלה לא יכולנו לעלות על הקרקע מבלי לדאוג להגנת הנקודות. היה עלינו להכין מסביב לכל נקודה חומת מלאה חצץ בעובי של 25-20 0״מ, ובפנים החומה 8-6 צריפים, מגדל שגבהו 10 מטר ומזרקור להאיר את הסביבה. וכל זה ביום אחד. הצריפים והמגדל נבנו מקודם במשקים הסמוכים, וליום העליה גויסו חברים ממשקי עמק-הירדן, מהמושבות ומהאירגונים שבסביבה. באו גם פועלים מחיפה, מראשון־לציון ומחדרה-כ־300 איש בסך־הכל, שתים־עשרה מכוניות הועמדו לרשותנו באותו יום, ועם שחר העמיסו את החומה, הצריפים, המכונות והמכשירים על מכוניות המשא. 150 איש עבדו בכל נקודה. העבודה היתה קדחתנית. בשעה שחלק מהפועלים עסק בהקמת החומה מסביב, בנו האחרים צריפים ויתרם עבדו בהקמת הגדר מחוטי ברזל דוקרים, הקימו את המגדל, עידרו את המכונות ואת המזרקור. האבטומובילים סללו דרך בשדות הבור, הובילו חצץלמלא בו את החומה וקרשים לצריפים. עד ארבע אחה״צ עבדנו בלי הפסקה. מדי פעם הגיע אוטו עם פועלים נוספים, שבאו לעזרתנו מנהרים השכנה ואף מאילת־השחר וכפר־גלעדי הרחוקות. כל אורח נכנס מיד לשורה. ומאות ידים זרזו את גמר המלאכה. ב-4 נשלמה העבודה. החומה הוקמה, הצריפים עמדו על תלם, גם המגדל התנשא בגאון והמזרקור בלט למעלה ובשר לסביבה, כי ישוב יהודי חדש קם באדמה שוממה זו...״ (מדברי עד ראיה)
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במזל ההתישבות
B.
Psychologiczna analiza walki
״Wiedza i życie“ zeszyt 2. W-wa 1937. P. Bovet: Instynkt walki, tłum. M. Górska. Bibij. Dzieł Fed.
wołani.־ tego instynktu, jaka — jego biolo-giczna funkcja. D.aczego natura zaintereso-wana jest w tym, aby dzieci się biły, dlacze-go mnoży nieporozumienia między nimi ? Autor sądzi, że chodzi tu o zaprawianie osobnika do walk, które w życiu później bę-dzie musiał staczać o żywność i samicę. Chcąc żyć i zachować swój gatunek, musi być człowiek gotów do wydzierania potrzeb-nych mu dóbr innym, nie zawsze bowiem znajdują się one w ilości wystarczającej dla wszystkich. Instynkt walki jest według Bo-weta ściśle związany z instynktem roz-rodczym i przeto właściwszy jest samco-wi niż samicy. Natura nie zaprawia jej do walki, gdyż w interesie gatunku leży, aby była stale zwyciężana w walce przez samca. Autor podkreśla, że dzieci tak bardzo skłonne do naśladowania swoich kolegów we wszyst-kich zabawach i figlach, unikają czyn-n e j interwencji w c z a s i e b ó j e k. Ustawiają się kołem i przyglądają się zapa-som z powagą i namaszczeniem. Ich bierna postawa nie oznacza bynajmniej desinteres-semant. Podczas walki opowiadają się głośno za jednym lub drugim zapaśnikiem, samijed-nak do walki się nie wtrącają. Przed ich oczyma odbywa się święty rytuał: w braku bóstwa wojny, gatunek, przyroda ukaże swego wybrańca, wyrok tego bóstwa musi być wy-raźnie dosłyszany i dlatego niedopuszczalna jest interwencja strony trzeciej.
Przekomarzanie się i okrucieństwo.
Modyfikacją instynktu walki jest przeko-marzanie się wypływające z wrodzonego nam ducha przekory, stanowiącego jako instynkt, cechę powszechną. Ptotą przekomarzania się jest wysiłek, zmierzający do wyprowadzenia z równowagi przeciwnika i zmuszenia go, by czynił to czego nie chce. Drażnienie powo-duje walkę, ale może ją także zastąpić, i na tej funkcji zastępczej polega jej znaczenie zapobiegawcze. P׳ zt koinarzający się psotnik-figlarz, pozbawiony jest wrogich uczuć wzglę-dem swej ofiary, chce tylko jej kosz-tem potwieidzić swoją przewagę, dojść do korzystnego dla siebie wniosku bez narażenia się na niebezpieczeństwo przegra-nej. Drażnienie kogoś jest b. często walką bez ryzyka i najbliższą drogą do potwierdzę-nia swej mocy. Stąd też pochodzi przekorna-rzanie wśród młodszych dzieci, nie mogących jeszcze manifestować swej siły i znajdujących przeto osobliwą przyjemność w dokuczaniu starszym swym oporem i nieposłuszeństwem
Bójki dzieci.
Myśl przewodnią i ostateczną konkluzję książki prof. Boweta możnaby ująć przy po-mocy następującego paradoksu Nietschego : ״Wszystko co zowiemy wyższą kulturą jest w najgłębszej swej treści uduchowionym i pogłębionym okrucieństwem“. Do instynktu seksualnego, freudowskiego ״libido“ i woli mocy, wprowadzonej przez twórcę psychologii indywidualnej Adlera, szwajcarski uczony do-daje trzeci czynnik: instynkt walki, stanowiący jego zdaniem ״spirytus morens" wszystkich ważniejszych naszych działań i dążności Nie tylko bowiem w naturze walka jest źródłem nowych form i przemian, matką wszechrzeczy, jak ją nazwał grecki filozof Heraklit, ale i w życiu ludzkim wszystko co w nim jest wielkie i twórcze, rodzi się z buntu i protestu, jest rezultatem zdobywczej postawy człowieka wobec otaczającego go świata. Powszechnie uznawana doniosłość walki dla rozwoju jednostki i społeczeństwa nie upoważnia jednak jeszcze do uznania od-rębnego instynktu, którego istnienie należy dopiero genetycznie wykazać, na t odstawie analizy psychologicznej, sięgającej aż do pierwotnych okresów rozwoju człowieka. Tak t.־ż postępuje prof. Bowet Punktem wyjścia jego rozważań jest badanie genezy bójek dziecięcych, które tak często można obserwo-wać na ulicach, podwórzach i dziecińcach szkolnych.
Materiału dostarcza mu ankieta przepro-wadzona wśród chłopców od lat 9—12, obej-mująca 509 opracowań uczniowskich nt.: ״Z jakiego powodu dzieci biją się ze sobą?”, ״Opisz walkę, którą widziałeś?־. Ankieta wykazała, że walka jest chłopcom bardzo miła. Doświadczają oni żywej i b. bezpośred-niej rozkoszy w rzucaniu kamieni, wytnachi-waniu kijem, w energicznych ruchach rąk i nóg, w napięciu wszystkich mięśni ciała, gdy zewrzą się z przeciwnikiem pierś o pierś. Dlatego biją się nie tylko wówczas, gdy mają ku temu określony powód, ale czynią to tak-że bez żadnej określonej przyczyny, by oka-zać swą przewagę fizycz ią nad słabszym przeciwnikiem. Do rozkoszy działania wień-czącej naturalnie wyładowanie sił, dołącza się radość i dunia podsycane przez podziw i uznanie otoczenia i potęgujące instynktownie zamiłowanie do bójek dla samej przyjemności.
Z chwilą gdy uznaliśmy, że w bójkach dzieci kryje się instynkt, musimy doszukiwać się w nim celów, wybiegających poza dążenie osobnicze, musimy zrozumieć jakie jest po-
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rów — wiatraki. Są natury, dla których wszelka działalność jest walką a każda prze-szkoda nieprzyjacielem.
O obiektywizacji instynktu mówimy wów-czas, gdy osobnik, zamiast rzucić się w wir walki, obserwuje ją, emocjonując się jej prze-biegiem. Chłopiec dowodzący armią ołowia-nych żołnierzy rzutuje na zewnątrz swój in-stynkt walki, obiektywizuje go na figurkach, postępujących i cofających się na jego rozkaz. Dorośli zaś uprzedmiotowiają go przez lektu-rę awantorniczo-kryminaluą i uczęszczanie na wszelkiego rodzaju imprezy sportowe.
Najdalej przesuniętym przeobrażeniem omawiarego przez autora instynktu jest jego platonizacja. O ile w przypadku obiektywiza-cji przeciwnik istnieje tylko w wyobraźni, o tyle jest 011 tutaj zupełnie realny, a mimo to walka nie posiada w swych zewnętrznych obiawach żadnych znamion siły i przemocy Doskonałym przykładem walki ״platonicznej“ jest gra w szachy, ״W której występują dwa wrogie hufce, znajdujące się w stanie pogo-towia wojennego. Każda z figur zawiera 1110-źliwość walki, a jednak cóż może być bar-dziej odległego od siebie, jak dwaj malcy obrzucający się kamieniami na ulicy, od dwóch poważnych panów, siedzących w zamyśleniu, po obu stronach szachownicy. Jedno pocho-dzi od drugiego ale po drodze wielce się zmieniło “.
Gdy walka egoistyczna o utrzymanie się przy życiu przeradza się w walkę o byt (rodzi-ny społeczeństwa i ojczyzny, o dobro kul-Jury, o prawdę, piękno i sprawiedliwość, — instynkt walki skierowany zostaje w łożysko społecznie pożytecznej pracy i twórczości Ulega wówczas sublimacji (uwzniośle-niu). Zasięg uwznioślenia instynktu walki, stopień jego udochowienia miał też na myśli Nietsche, twierdząc, iż wielka kultura jest w najgłębszej swej treści sublimowanym okru-cieństwem. W doświadczeniu religijnym ta sublimacja przejawia się w nakazie walki ze złem.
Wnioski pedagogiczne.
W części pedagogicznej swego dzieła wysuwa dyr. instytutu Russeau w Genewie, jako najważniejszy postulat, racjonalne wy-zyskanie instynktu walki przez kształcenie i rozwijanie tego co jest w nim wielkie, piękne i ładne. Pouczający przykład dobroczynnego oddziaływania metody opartej na sublimacji, wrodzonego człowiekowi popędu ,do walki 1 mądrym jego poskromieniu, widzi autor w skautingu, używaniu pewnych zewnętrznych form wychowania militarnego, aby móc tym skuteczniej przeciwstawić sięa.destrukcyjnym tendencjom młodzieńczej psydhiki. Wysuwu-jąc hasło wychowania pacyfistycznego, B. zdaje sobie jednak sprawę, że jest ono, nieś-tety muzyką dalekiej przyszłości. Narody (państwa kapitalistyczne — red.) zagrożone wojną, jako regularną metodą sporów mię-dzynarodowych, zainteresowane są w tym,
Z właściwego nam ducha przekory pow-staje również przekomarzanie pozy-tywne mające na celu wyrządzenie nagłej i niespodzianej przyjemności — miłej niespo-dzianki. Jest to ów codzienny ״good turn”, (raiły figiel), który twórca skautingu B. P. nakazuje płatać harcerzom, nie kosztem — lecz na korzyść bliźniego. Miła niespo-dzianka jako złośliwy figiel za-spakajają ten sam instynkt, po-zwalają przekonać się o własnej sile, można więc przez wdra-żnnie się do miłych niespodzianek, oduczyć się płatania przykrych figlów.
Na związek przekomarzania z instynktem seksualnym wskazuje zdaniem autora, rola zalotnej przekory we wzajemnych stosunkach płci. Kokieteryjne przekomarzanie się jest środkiem dla zaznaczenia swej przewagi, lub sposobnością dla podkreślenia swych zasług i uzdolnień. Nie bez racji więc twierdzi przy-słowie, że: ״Kto się czubi ten się lubi“. Prze-komarzanie, które jest dziś namiastką walki, było na niższych szczeblach kultury i cywi-lizacji zaczepką do wywołania bójki, na wyż-szych zaś zajęło jej miejsce. Interes gatunku narzucający samcowi konieczność przezwy-ciężania rywali 1 oporu sanhcy, zwolnił tern-po procesu przeobrażania bójki w przekorna-rzauie u płci męskiej, podnosząc siłę napast-niczą do godności najważniejszej jej przyro-dzonej cnoty.
U kobiet miejsce przekomarania zajmuj ־ szyderstwo i obmowa. Ta ostatnia jest często bronią kobiecej napastliwości. B. przytacza głębokie i trafne zdanie, w którego świetle obmowa kobiet okazje się psychologicznie uzasidnioną koniecznością, wypływającą z bardziej bezpośredniego i intymniejszego stosunku kobiety do innych ludzi ״kobiety posiadają pewną zasadniczą cechę, która sta-wia je zarazem wyżej od mężczyzn daleko więcej myślą o innych niż ci ostatni i dlatego są bardziej skłonne do współczucia 1 miło-sierdzia, ale zarazem do obmowy i ciekawości (F. B. Pernsees)“.
Bardziej złożoną formą przekomarza ia jest okrucieństwo zadowalające się cudzym cierpieniem. Idąc za Freudem, autor twierdzi, że przyjemność pochodząca z okrucieństwa ma posmak rozkoszy seksualnej. Źródeł okrucień-stwa dopatruje się autor w instynkcie walki, pozostającym na usług !ch gatunku, co wy-jaśnia jego zdaniem, seksualne podłoże wszel-kiego znęcania się.
Ps-aeoWaieraia irasśynkfu walki.
W swojej analizie rozwroju instynktu walki na przestrzeni dziejów wspomina autor trzy jego zasadnicze przeobrażenia: zbocze-nie, obiektywizację i platoniza-cję. Zboczenie instynktu polega na tym, że przeciwnik jest zupełnie wyimaginowany. Takim rodzajem przociwnika są dla alpanisty — góry, dla Ajaxa z Iljady — barany brane za nieprzyjaciół, dla cerwantowskich bohate-
15
popędów wszechwładnego, jedy-nie istotnego czynnika seksual-nego. Pogląd Boweta stanowi jeszcze jedną ilustrację raotiizrau psychologicznego psycho-analizy — znamiennej dla niej dążności spro-wadzenia całej treści życia psychicznego do wspólnego mianownika płci, !łumaczącego jakoby bez reszty całą pełnię i bogactwo ży-cia duchowego człowieka. W pracy Boweta uderza czytelnika skłonność do czysto rozu-!nowych konstrukcji, którą przypisać należy wpływom filozoficznych nawyków i nałogów. Pochodzenia filozoficznego jest też wymię-niony wyżej monizm, oznaczający przeniesie-nie założenia monistycznej metafizyki, wy-prowadzającej wielość i różnorodność świata z jednej zasady (bóstwa — absolutu) — do psychologii.
Praca Boweta jest ciekawą próbą psy-chologicznei analizy zagadnienia walki. Za-wiera też bogatą problematykę i zasługuje, mimo oczynionych przez nas krytycznych zastrzeżeń na uważne i pilne przestudiowanie.
aby nie dopuścić do sublimacji i platonizacji instynktu walki i dążą raczej do kultywowa-nia go, w jego najbardziej pierwotnej i bru-talnej odmianie.
Uwagi krytyczne.
W kilku słowach oceny krytycznej chce-my przede wszystkim wskazać na niedosta-teczność podstaw na jakich opiera się kon-cepcja instynktu walki przyjęta przez szwaj-carskiego uczonego. Wydaje nam się, że to wszystko, co autor przypisuje odrębnemu in-stynktowi, dałoby się prościej wyjaśnić ze stanowiska psychologii indywidualnej, jako przejaw woli mocy, dążność do pa-uowania, wywyższania się, powstającej na gruncie kompleksu mniejszej wartości. Z tego względu nie należy naszym zdaniem łączyć zdobywczych zapędów człowieka z instynktem płciowym jak to czyni Bowet. Instynkt walki nie jest też u naszego uczonego, jak to się w tiku jego pracy okazuje, czynnikiem samodzielnym, lecz jednym z
KRONIKA
Z GNIAZDA LWOWSKIEGO
Gdud Cofej-Jaar przystąpił do pracy wychowawczej. Fakt ten został po-prządzony «r 'zen em seminarium wychowawczego w gdudzie. W seminarium uczestniczył cały gdud. Zadań.em j..go ׳ ’;׳ zapoznanie przyszłych kierowników z ogólną problematyką wychowawczą, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wychowania w naszym ruchu. Seminarium wniósł wiele ożywienia i zainteresowania poruszo-nymi problemami. Posłużył jako odskocznia dla dalszego kształcenia się w dzie-dżinie samokształceniowe j i wychowawczej.
Na zakończenie seminarim odbyła się impreza kulturalna. Treścią imprezy była rewia bohaterów walki o wolność i prawdę (postacie historyczne wyjęte z dziejów społeczeństwa ludzkiego).
W połowie marca odbył się w goudzie ״Makabim“ (warstwa ״bejt“ młod-sza) egzamin z geografii krajów pozae .ropejskich. Forma egzaminu różniła się od dotychcsas przyjętych i była poraź pierwszy stosowana w gnieździć.
Był to rodzaj zawodów między poszczególnemi kwucami. Każdy zawodnik (członek kwucy) zadawał innemu zawodnikowi pytania Na podstawie odpowiedzi udzielanych przez egzaminujących się samych członków gdudu dawano punkty; punktów było trzy rodzaje: dobre, mniej dobre, niezadawalające.
Egzamin wzbudził wielkie zainteresowanie i toczył się w bardzo milej i swobodnej atmosferze. Nowo zastosowana forma egzaminu zupełnie się udała.
Z GNIAZDA KRAKOWSKIEGO
W gdudzie Bnej Jaar, który przystąpił przed niedawnym czasem do pracy wychowawczej, a który teraz wydać ma nową grupę kierowników, odbył się kurs instruktiorski. Tematem kursu było zapoznanie młodych kierowników z próbie-mami wychowania szomrowego ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem problematyki szicbwy Jzalcjf-tt.
OS JREBKCJI: Jak gniazdom wiadomo, wydawanie ״Barna“ drukiem pociąga za sobą bardzo duże koszty, które gniazda mają pokryć. Nr 4 ״Bama" nie został nawet w małej części pokryty. O ile gniazda nie Dcdą przysyłały pieniędzy za ״Bania“, nie będziemy jej mogli wydawać. Dlatego zwracamy się do wszystkich gniazd o przesłanie nam zaraz po otrzymaniu numeru pieniędzy za numer bieżący i ubiegły.
Złożono i wydrukowano w ״Drukarni Kupieckiej“ Lwów, Pasaż Hausmana 5.השומר הצעיר משרד לשכבה א
1931 - 1939
השומר - הצעיר בגרמניה 1931 - 1939
מאת יהודה רוונהרץ
ראה: בספרות הארכיון
מס' 164
Naturkunde für düng ere•
diese! Arbeitsplan soll in das Gebiet der Naturkunde ein führen. Das geschieht den verschiedenen Teil zwecken ent sprechend , auf verschiedene We-ise. ln einer Reihe vor 10 ßicfioth sind naturgeschichtliche Fragen behandelt: die Reihe lässt sich beliebig erweitern. Der Sinn ist nicht nur der, dass wir den Jüngeren irgend etwas "bei= bringenes können: diese Sichoih auch eine Grundlage für spätere Aufklärungsarbeit sein,und nicht zuletzt befruchten ' Naturwissenschaften und naturvissenschaft־ Hohes denken die Bildung einer Weltanschauung in einer späteren Entwioklungsstufe.
Vielleicht schraubt' der Führer seine Erwartungen zu hoch, wenn er sich als Ergebnis dieser Sichotn, des Lagerplans, der Lektüre grössere Naturnähe und wahres Naturerleben verspricht / Unsere Möglichkeiten in dieser Richtung sind beschränkt.
Erreichen wir dieses Ziel nicht in seiner Vollständige keit, so sollen wir doch wissen, dass die naturge= schichtlichen Unterhaltungen und Betätigungen der Er= Weiterung des Horizontesder Anregung und grösseren Frische unserer Oüngerenarbett dienen. die Voraussetzung dafür, dass das gelingt, ist die Art der . Bearbeitung dieses Planes: es aLmnt darauf an, dass er mit Anschaulichkeit fllaturgegenstände! Bunte Kreiden!J,mit Interesse und einer ausreichenden Wis* sensgrundlage in den Gruppen verwirklicht wird•
Nenn wir Wissen darbieten, sollen wir daran denken, wer es tut, und wem es angeböten wird.
Richard.
Vjtantwortli0a t Vlrioh Ji.Kill 131, F!311 in 7.1, K0' nokostr.10:
1.
Die Zolle.
Oie Zelle ist der Baustein allen Lebens. Beobachtungen,, durch das Mikroskop. tiro 88c Zollen aber sind bis zu 2 m lang Hlarvenz cl 1 enJ. Andere sichtbare Zeilen: Bastzel*■ len. Keimzelle beim Hühnerei fKeimseheibo J. Grosse der Pflanzenzellen. Oer Aufbau: Kern, ?fand, Protoplasma.
Ho 111 raume, Vorratsfeamern.
11.
Oie Einzeller.
111.
Der Zellvcrband.
IV.
Atmina.
Lebewesen, dis nur aus einem Baustein, einer Zelle, be= stehen. Z.B.das Infusor fdcutnsh: Aufgusstierehen, weil man sie in grossen Mengen finden'kann, wenn man 1Hasser auf Heu giesst.). Tätigkeiten: Bewegung mit Scheinfüsschen Idas sind gelegentliche AusstülpungenJ.
Ti ah rung sauf nahm c. Teilung'. Zwei neue Lebewesen, die ( wachsen und sich später wieder teilen.
Zellen sehliessen sieh lockerer oder fester,, zu Wenigen oder in Unmassen zusammen. Zusammengesetzte Lebewesen. Hede Zelle oder Zell gruppe hat ihre huf gaben. Arbcits= teilung in Bewegung, Ernährung, Fortpflanzung, Stütze. Ein Honig zell er mit ausgesprochener ־Arbeitsteilung ist z.B. die' inorweaiseha Fl imcrkugcl.
Unterschiede zwischen Tier und Pflanze. 3ödes Lebewesen nimmt flüssige oder feste Stoffe und Case auf. Ver= gleich mit der Fabrik. Betriebsstoffe und Baustoffe, die Pflanze hat ihr Kraftzentrum in Blatt. Oie ^Fabrik” arbeitet, wenn der "Strom” des Sonnenlichtes wirkt, und wenn die "Maschinen” des Blattgrün vorhanden sind. In der Luft ist eine Verbindung von Kohlenstoff und Sauerstoff; der Kohlenstoff wird weiter verarbeitet, Sauerstoff wieder ausgescJiieden. Die Tiere und auch der Mensch brauchen als Betriebsstoff Sauerstoff. Auch die Pflanze atmet stets etwas Sauer sto ff ein. flenn die "Fabrik” nachts (ohne Sonne!) ruht, dann atmet siF rege Sauerstoff ein. Harum muss man Blumen nachts aus Krank anzimmern cntfernen?
VII.
Entwicklung in dor Vorzeit.
VIII,
Vom Kampf.
Eine Anzahl footer Stoffe holt sich die. Pflanze in Mas-scr gelöst mit der Wurzel aus der Erde‘. Darum Pflanzen bcg ids son. Mensch und Tier mögen keine Salzöty* es ist ihnen zu scharf und unbekömmlich. Das Tier muss die Sal zc in verarbeiteter Form, bekamion: als Pflanze (Pflan-zenfress er), als Tier fFleischfresserJ oder Here und Pflanzen (Allesfresser J, Der Kan sch ist ein Allesfresser Was ■gar zuerst auf der Erde, Tier oder Pflanze?
V.
Ernährung.
Oer Ken soll verändert sich von Gehurt an. "Entwicklung”, Oie Lebewesen sind nicht auf einmal und fertig auf der fl eit. Da 3 H V h n er ei wir d ö 0 b ril tot, * ä hrendd 0 ssen t e ilt sich die Eizelle, die beiden neuen Zellen teilen sich wieder usf.; aber es sind keine Infusorien: die Teile bleiben zu sam en, 3 i n Z oliv c r ban d mit A rbei t steilung entsteht. Häherenddessen wird Eiweiss und Eidotter auf~ gebraucht. Am, Ende zerbricht das fertige Hühnchen das Ei: cs geht selbst auf Futtersuche - legt ein,mal selbst Eier und bebrütet sie.
VI,
Der Vogel aus dem Ei.
So wie sich das Hühnchen.langsam entwickelt, haben sich in ganz langen Zeiten alle Lebewesen entwickelt, bis sie ihre jetzige. Gestalt erreichten. Zeit ohne Leben. Die ersten Lebewesen,fIn Was rerJ. Landl ob ewe sen. Die Drache oder Saurier sind untergegangene Formen, sie ahaben sie nicht "bewährt". Flvg-dracncn, Landdrachen, Fi schdrachen Zwischen farmen: der Urvogel. Das Mammut. Langsam, grosse re Aehnlichkcit mit unseren heutigen Lebewesen. Woher wir von der Vorzeit wissen. Versteinerungen und Ab= drücke.
Notwendigkeit, neue Lobensncgliohkeii zu schaffen. Der Untergang des Schwachen, Untauglichen ist Ursache der Entwicklung. Kampf in der Natur, "Kampf ums Dasein”. Gebirgspflanzen (Kampf gegen unbelebte NaturJ. Stechpal" me (.gegen Frass, d-h. Kampf gegen belebte NaturJ.

Beispiele fur Fahrten , die etwas llaturgeschichtli= ches zum Mittelpunkt habon.
I.
Gemeinschaftsiebon.
IX. Hilfo.
Bei Tieren einer Art. Brutpflege. Host bau der Vögel. ff io der Stiehl in g seine Jungon aufzieht. Ameisenstaat, Termiten: Bienen", die sterben, wenn sie zur Vorteidi-gung ihres Stockes Angreifer gestoehen haben. Pflanzen, die spsezielle Wohnräume fur Ameisen ausbidäen.
X •
"der liens0h und dio llatur.
ücr Mensch nutzt belobte und unbelebte ,llatur aus. Er füttert, er gewährt Schutz und Unterkunft. So verändert er die Loben'sbedin.giingen. Hur die nützlichen oder auf ihn schon wirkenden Tiere und Pflanzen unterhält er. Haustiere. Hausv'fl anz an. Hund und Hunderassen . Unter= sehicde in der Verw0ndung füaeke1 und Sehä ferhundl .Spie-lereien mit der llatur: die Züchtung der gradon Banana. Gemüse= und Fruchtarien kommen - unscheinbarer - auch wi1d vor. Dio Haus-Arten sind auf den Men schen ang0wie־־ sen. Ein entflogener Kanarienvogel muss umkommen.
Besser als irgendwo lässt sich Biologie auf Fahrt bc= treiben. Das Kind muss Hainen Hamen haben, und es geht auch ohne programmatische Vorsätze: der Führer selbst miss die Augen aufmachen und allerdings ein wenig sich auch selbst auskennen, dann wird er immer wieder Anrc= gang geben können.
Es gibt eine Menge Exkursions= und Bestimmungsbücher. Hier soll voi allem auf das "llaturkundliche Ifanderbuch” von Heinrich drupe hingewiesen werden. Es gehört wirk= liech in jode Ken-Bibli0thek.
Vor Wald als Gemeinschaft. Lebensformen der verschiede= non Höhen (Bodengewächsc, Gestrüpp, Bäume). Aufeinander-einstallen der Lebewesen. Ausnützung aller Högliehkei= ten (Efeu). Spezialisierung. Parasitentum,, ohne Blatt= grünfFichten sparg01Oie flechte. Waldtypen. Bedeutung dar Forstwirtschaft. Feinde des Waldes.
i־
11.
Der Flatz an dar Senna.
Pflanzen zwischen Pflastersteinen, auf Folsan. lieber=
pflanzen. _Ho1iotropisnus (Bewegung und Waehstun auf die Sonne zul/ Bleichsücktige Pflanzen. (Gras unter Ste1= nen ; Kartoffo1keine im Keller).
111.
Landwirtschaft.
IV.
Am Teich.
Wirkungen des Wasscriiber Schusses: glänzende, fette Uleitter. Binsen. Schilf. Wasserpflanzen. Seerosen. Pflanzen in stehenden und fl i es senden Wasser. (Anpas-sung). Wasserkäfer. Der Frosch und seine Vermehrung.
(etwa in llerbst)
V.
Pflanzonvermehrung.
(mit etwa 50 Junqcre n fur 7 Iage, Thema "llatur")
Getrcidcarten; Raps und Flachs. Lupine, Die Futter= Wirtschaft. Weide. Anlage eines Bauernhofes. Bedeutung einzelner Wirtschaftszweige (Milehwirtsohaft, Hühner= hof, SchweinezuchtJ und einzelne Arbeiten (Pflügen, Eggen, DreschenJ.
Samen. Frucht. Frucht färbum und Gestalt im Dienst der VerbreitungFruchtfleisch/ Spring- und Flug fruchte. Ausläufer, Stochlinae. Gärtnerische Pflanzenvarmehrung. Säen und Keimen.
Plan für ein Sommerlager.
Zur Vorbereitung gehört die Beschaffung, leicht verstand-Iiohcr Eilehcr uber das G abiet (s.unsere Listel); eine eingehenda Bestehtigung der näheren und weiteren Umgc= bung des Lagers vor dessen Beginn. - Der Eröffinings-Uifhad weist auf das Thema und seine Bedeutung für uns hin. - Die Lagerzeitung enthält Wissenwertes in knapper Darstellung und Funde aus der Umgebung, sorgfältig be= festigt una bcsehrieban. Die Lagerzeitung kann aueh ein kleines täglich wechselndes Herbarium darstellen.
Laufende Veranstaltungen: 2 parallele Siehoth-Reilten am lie T gen ; deremt sprechend 2 Chug im (Strei fzi-gs in der Umgebung, Bestimmungsübungen Ersts-Hilfe-Kurs .) Am nachmittag Sie noth, lies ganzen Lagers. Abends am. Feuer Verlesen geeigneter, in'den Rahmen sinfv.abarer Er zäh-lungen und llesohafin. (Aber durchaus nicht jeden Tag nur' dieses Th era, Abwechslungen und Spannung dürfen nicht der Programm zun Opfer' fallen!) Speit Abends ein bis zwei Mal Sternenkunda.
I.Kreis:
Chug: Streifziige in der Umgebung Bestimmungsübungen
Sich0th:
1) Das Gefühl der Pflanze 2) Bewegungen der Pflanze 3) Die Seele der Tiere 4) Anpassungen 5) Bakterien und andere mikroskopische Lebewesen 6) Bienen
7) Leben in Schnee und Eis und auf hohen Bargen.
II .Kreis:
Vhug: Erste Hilfe
Siohoth:
1) Wovon lebt der Men soll 2) Blut
3) Veränderungen und Anpassungen durch Klima
4) Das Wasser (Bedeutung und Verwertung) 5) Der Bauer und seine Arbeit 6) Die Sonehen
7) Häufige Krankheiten und was sie bedeu-ton.
Gemeinsame Sichoth:
1) Leben und Tod
2) Wie ist aas Leben entstanden?
3) Das Leben der Vorzeit 4) Die ersten lien sch on 5) Technik und Natur.
Hesohafim:
.,Sonn er"
.,Landarbeit in Palästina".
11'
Sammoln und Pfiegen.
Literatut fill Führer.
Hier sind nur solche Bicher auf ne führt, die knapp und verständlich eine Uebersi eh i über das zu behan-delude Thema geben. Üie Reihen fliege zum. Wissen" ,
"Aus llqtur und Cieistcswelt” ,"Sammlung Höschen" , "Fer stündliche Wissenschaft” und die naturwissen-seha.f fliehen Hefte bei Reel an gaben über jedes Thema wissenschaftliche und klare Auskunft. Trotz ihres po־ etischen Reichtums, ihrer Beliebtheit und Billigkeit haben wir bei der Aufzählung auf dis ,,Kosmos-Bänd-chen" Derzichtet.
1) Hartmann, Allgemeine Biologie 2) Go1dschmidt, Askares
3) Steche, Von Zellvciband zum Individuum
4) S0hoeniehen, Ticre dar Vorzeit 5) Hesse, Abstammtngs1ehre und Uarwinismaus 6) Berndt, Absiaiimihqs.l ehre 7) Abel, Tiere der Vorzeit 8) Bronn, Tierleben ("Der kleine Brohm") 9) Go1dschridt. Urtiere
Systeneti sehe und ständig 3 Beobachtung werden durch Sm mein und Pflegen befördert. Pan kann Anregung gc= hon, das Maon durch Pflanzen zu beleben; man kann in Hinter eine Reihe Tulpen im Cd as zur Blüte bringen, Haie spent rag endo Zweige zur Entfaltung ihrer Blätter pflegen, lieber Einrichtung und Pflege eines Aquari= uns gibt cs eine Lenge Literatur; man kann auch aas, wenn man sieh vom traditionellen Goldfisch im Kugel= glas trennt, mit vielen Beobachtungen verknüpfen'.
Wenn wir zum Summeln anregen, ko1mmen wird den Wun= sehen der Jüngeren entgegen; cs ist nötig, sich wes=’ sentlich zu beschränken auf Steine, Schneckenhäuser, Pflanzen und P fl anz enteil c und einiges Andere. Vom. Schmetterlings- und Käfer sammeln wollen wir abraten. Wir können dieses Sammeln auch lenken, indem wir the matisch geordnet Vorschläge machen. Etwa
Götreidearten Vnkraut er
Wurze1 fornen Sam, en
Snmvfvflanzen Sailen
Früh1ingsb1umen Schneckengehäuse
Vorst einerungen Kristal 1el
Ein besonders dankbares Gebiet sind die Blattsarmm= Jungen. Man kann solche Blätter trocknen und auf Pa= pier mit durchsichtigen Klebenetreifen anordnen. Ein anderes Verfehlten: man verreibt Brücker schwärze mit einem in Papier gehüllten Wattebausch auf eine Glas-scheibe; dann schwärzt man das Blatt sorgfältig durch Anpressen auf diese Scheibe; dann 'fertigt man Abdriiekc auf sang fähigem Zeichenpapicr.
Literatur für Sting ere.
Diescm Litera turvorzeiehnis 1iegt zugruncl0 eine Bftoher-aushahl die mit Hilfe des Herrn Dr. Gutrann, dee Leiters der Wänderbuohereien des Lan= desverbandos jüdischer Qmein= den, entstanden ist.
1) Bocckemühl, Kleines Sisnonbueh
2) Bürgel, Or.Vhlebuhla fund Fortsetzung)
3) J E w aid, hut ter llatur e rzäh1t
4) " Dar Zweibeiner
5) " Reineke Fuchs
feine Auswahl erschien bei Red an) 6) Fleuron , Roto K0p pel
7) " Heister Lampe
8) " Schnöd:
9) " Schnipp Fidel ins Adel zahn
10) Kipling, üschlinge1buch 11) " Das ncue Dschungelbuch
12) Löns, Mummelmann 13) London, flenn die llatur ruft
14) " Sorry
15) " Michael
16) Mukerdsehi, Kari, der Elefant
17) Salten, Bambi
18) " Fünfzehn Hasen
19) Thompson-Soton, Bingo
20) " " Ti erhol den
21) " " Prärietiere und ihre
Schicksale
22) " " Monarch ,der Riesenbär
23) Schönfeid, Quer durch die Urwelt.
13) Deeganer, Die Formen der Vergese11-scfiaftiinn im Tierreich
14) Uexki11, Die Umwelten von Tieren und Menschen
15) Maula, Biologie der Pflanzen
16) Hansen, Pflanzenghg.siologie
17) Schnell-Fitsehen,Flora von Deutsohland
18) Oattli, Versuche mit lebenden Pflanzen
19) Saager, Von der llatur zur Kunst.JEWISH YOUTH MAGAZINE
MAY, 1937
THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR DAY MAY 1937
LABOR ZIONISM AND THE CONGRESS
McGovern and Stephens
WITH HASHOMER HATZAIR
HEARN’S DEPT. STORE
THE BARGAIN STORE FOR ALL THE PEOPLE
Come And See What HEARN’S Can Do — — Values, Economy, And Beauty, Too
at
Kibbutz Hashomer
Cooperative Residence of Palestine Delegates
107 West 11th Street
No. 5
HASHOMER HATZAIR
MAY, 1937
VOL IV.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
MARCHING AHEAD ........................................... 3
The International Labor Day
Extending Frontiers Beyond the Jordan
The Royal Commission and Solomon's Judgment
Forty Years of the Zionist Organization
Irma L. Lindheim
Kibbutz Hashomer
The International Labor Movement—Yaakov Lofman............ 7
Frontiers — East and West—Shmuel Cohen.................... I I
Toward a New Society—Avraham Ben-Shalom................... 13
The Kibbutz—Vivian (Aviva) Goldstein...................... 18
Palestine Labor and the Zionist Congress—A. B............. 19
Joseph Aronowitz ......................................... 19
RAMOEEDET
Our Children—Pninah Horowitz ...................... 20
Shoes—Sarah Kahn................................... 20
A Donkey's Tale—Mordecai 22
IN ERETZ ISRAEL
McGovern and Stephens With Hashomer Haztair 23
IN THE MOVEMENT.................................... 27
After the Sixth Moatzah—Moshe Bloomstone........... 28
Moshavot—Moshe Eisen............................... 29
HEBREW
דבר הקבוץ הארצי לתנועה—מאיר יערי .............32
משא דור—משה טייטלמן...........................33
Published monthly except July-August by the Hashomer Hatzair Organization of North America, 305 Broadway, New York. Tel. WOrth 2-3589. Subscription $1.00 per year. Printed in U. S. A. Entered as second class matter November 5, 1934, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879.
Hashomer Hatzair
2
AS WE GO TO PRESS
IMMEDIATE SETTLEMENT OF AMERICAN KIBBUTZ
O
As we go to press, word reaches us from Palestine that the Executive of our movement devoted its last session to the problem of immediate settlement of the American Kibbutz. What is the situation at present?
The land is still in the hands of the Arabs, but the feeling is that the transfer of land will be easier if the Kibbutz will be on the place even before the transfer takes place. The settlement in Jiara gives rise to many misgivings and dangers:
1) There is no definite certainty that the Arabs will leave the land in the near future. 2) The means of communication with the nearest settlement are bad and dangerous. 3) The first group of 25-30 persons will have to live in an Arab house, surrounded by Arabs, a fact which will make even more difficult the problem of defense. 4) Work will also be a problem: at first there will be work on the house which has to be re-paired; water will have to be installed and some sort of a provisional road built. But what will happen when all of this work will have been com-pleted and the Arabs will still not have left the land?
Despite these difficulties it was decided: that the Kibbutz settle on the land immediately, and the reasons are as follows: 1) If a group goes to Jiara immediately, the settlement will certainly be realized sooner and there is the possibility that the group may be able to start building up the grounds. 2) The Jewish National Fund demands the immediate settle-ment of the land, and we must be ready to carry out this demand, or we shall jeopardize the entire plan of settlement on this place. At the same time it is understood that the American Kibbutz will have to be guaranteed the right of 15 special deputy policemen for the defense of the settlement.
This decision will be referred to the American Kibbutz for ratification.
A letter from the Kibbutz which arrived at the same time, states that the Kibbutz will without questioin ratify the decision of the Executive of the Kibbutz Artzi and of the Head Office of the J.N.E. at Jerusalem.
3
May, 1937
MARCHING AHEAD!
THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR DAY
of the struggle against fascism it has beclouded the struggle of the labor movement for Socialism.
The British Labor Party trailed after the con-servative government of England and revealed its impotence as a labor party, its unwillingness or its inability to take strong action against the hypocri-tical policy of the present British government which continually supported fascist aggression.
Does this first of May bring only spectres in its wake? The courageous struggle of the w'orkers of Spain, the awakening of the entire Spanish people and its stand in the face of the foreign fas-cist intervention have shown the world what forces can still be rallied to the cause of freedom and de-mocracy, how great is the strength of the progres-sive elements in this world; at the same time it has proved how utterly bankrupt is this capitalist world, if it could stand by and be “neutral" in the face of the destructive and murderous tactics of fascism.
It seems that the onrush of fascism has reached its peak. Let us hope that the failure of the fas-cists in Belgium will be the beginning of their downfall and failure in all other countries. Fascism still stands strong today, thanks to its military domination, to its terror, and to its suppression of all radical and progressive elements. But it can no longer hide its economic bankruptcy, and this bankruptcy is in the long run bound to lead to its downfall in all other respects.
Not only the hopes of the international labor movement but the hopes of our people as well are bound up integrally with the downfall of fascism, with the destruction of all reactionary forces, with the strengthening of all progressive elements in the final victory of Socialism. Fortunately the labor movement in Palestine has risen to a posi-tion of strength such as is unequalled in any coun-try other than Soviet Russia. By a further streng-thening of this movement we shall do our share to support the cause of international Socialism, and together with the labor movement all over the world we shall prepare the groundwork for a new world, a world of equality and freedom, of the fraternity of peoples and the elimination of classes, the world of Socialism.
For many years now the first of May has not brought any glad tidings, no news of progress for the labor movement in its path to Socialist victory. The aggressiveness of the forces of reaction has known no bounds and has continued to deal blow after blow to the labor movement in the various countries. And what reaction has not done, the splits within the labor movement have accom-plished.
During the past year there were many events in the political constellation of the world which made the situation even more complex, and made even more difficult the struggle of humanity for a better tomorrow. At the two ends of the Mediterran-ean a flame was kindled which threatened to start a world conflagration. The workers of Spain and its peasantry turned their ploughshares into swords in order to defend themselves against the mercenary troops of Franco, who succeeded in bathing Spain in blood, thanks to the fascist pow-ers and to the “sympathetic" neutrality of Great Britain. At the other end of the Mediterranean, at the south-eastern gateway, in another sensitive spot of the British Empire, a people returning to its homeland was obliged to defend itself against the terror organized by a reactionary, feudal lead-ership of the Arabs, that was supported by the same “sympathetic" neutrality of the same British Empire.
The capitalist governments of Europe have continued to arm their countries at a tempo as yet unknown. “Cannons instead of butter" is the war cry of the Germany of today. The atmosphere of the world is electrified and it appears to be a bar-rel of gunpowder ready to explode at any mom-ent. In the labor movement itself there have come to the fore weaknesses and obstacles which will impede the crystallization of a Socialist force that will be enabled to change this world, eaten away by contradictions and paradoxes, by a hat-red of peoples, and by exploitation of classes. The first workers’ republic, Soviet Russia, instead of serving as a source of inspiration and power to the labor movement all over the world, has added to the chaos with its famed trials against Trotsky-ites. The Communist Party has continued to roll down the incline of opportunism and “Prinziplo-sigkeit" (lack of principles) and under the guise
Hashomer Hatzair
4
THE ROYAL COMMISSION AND SOLOMON’S JUDGMENT
In the last few weeks rumors are widespread that the Royal Commission has suggested the par-tition of Palestine as the best solution to the com-plex political situation that has been created about the small land. There are grounds to believe that this suggestion is being brought forward with a greater seriousness than the former suggestions about the cantonization of Palestine. Actually, this suggestion is no different from the former, but is being brought forward in a different form in order to make it more acceptable and to offset the eventual antagonism to this plan both by Jews and by Arabs. For we are being promised a Jewish State! A state like all other states, with an army, with consulates, with a place in the League of Nations. And the Arabs are also being handed their share: the creation of a new Arab state that will take in Trans-Jordania and the Arab part of Palestine, and this state too will be granted the same privileges.
In order to pass fair judgment on this new plan and to evaluate it correctly, we must free our-selves from prejudices and we must of necessity establish our attitude from the consideration of several factors: what will be the fate of Zionism if this plan is realized; what are the possibilities for establishing peace between the two peoples; what can be the interest of Great Britain in bring-ing forward a plan of this kind. Unfortunately there are still lacking the details of the plan re-garding the boundaries of the area which is being suggested for Jewish settlement, the scope of im-migration and settlement within the limits of this new Jewish “State". Already there can be found Jews who have agreed to accept the plan and are even speaking in its favor as a worth-while propo-sition. What are the reasons for this stand? First of all the enthusiasm for the idea of the Jew-ish state, the suggestion of a political status which the Jews have not known for two thousand years! Secondly, the inspiring dream of Jewish consulates in all the countries of the world, a Jewish repre-sentative in the League of Nations, a Jewish gov-eminent, Jewish generals! And as to immigra-tion, promises of an Aliyah of a million Jews; is that nothing? And must a state hold more than a million souls? And in addition the prospects of ridding ourselves from the troubles which the Arabs are causing us and from the intervention of the British government—that also is worth some-thing.
It seems to us that this state of mind springs from a misunderstanding of the fundamental prin-ciples of Zionism. Without even knowing the de-
EXTENDING FRONTIERS BEYOND THE JORDAN
Chalutziuth in the life of the Palestinian laborer is not merely a legend of the past, it is being con-tinued unceasingly in the present, despite difficult times and serious obstacles.
A few days after the murder of the three set-tiers in Yavneel, new life began to hum on the waste lands of the boundaries of Palestine, just a few miles away. The Kibbutzim, “Massada" and “Ein HaKore" settled on land bordering on Trans-Jordania and Syria.
Even in normal times the settlement of any new Kibbutz on new frontier land is an important event. We rejoice over the conquest of every ad-ditional inch of soil. But the settlement of Kib-butzim at a time when armed bands are terroriz-ing the country, inciting their own Arab brethren to destruction and to murder; the settlement of these Kibbutzim not in a safe Jewish district, but on frontier territory, in a district of Arabs; this sort of settlement opens a brilliant page in the his-tory of our struggle for liberation and for the striking of roots in the soil of our homeland.
A few months ago it was a Kibbutz of ours call-ed “Tel Amal" which was the first to go to Beisan, known to be a hot-bed of Arab incitement even in peaceful times. Roots were struck. A few weeks afterward, another Kibbutz, “Flassadeh" of Kib-butz Meuchad followed. In another part of this publication we are printing the impressions of a writer who visited both settlements. His descrip-tion sheds even more light on this courageous ven-ture of Palestinian youth. And now again glad tidings of the new settlement in the eastern corner of the Jordan Valley. And it is no accident that here too, of the two Kibbutzim going to this new front, one of them is Kibbutz “Ein ITakore" of the Kibbutz Artzi, Hashomer Hatzair. This Kibbutz of ours has been in Palestine for several years, its members having arrived with the first Chalutzim of the Fifth Aliyah. For several years now this Kibbutz has been working in Rishon Le Zion, making plans for its eventual settlement. There were many difficulties involved in transfer-ring the new frontier land to the J. N. F., and be-cause of that the settlement of this Kibbutz was postponed time and again. And just at this time, in a moment of tragic circumstances affecting the country, have the hopes of “Ein Hakore" for settlement been fulfilled. The best wishes of our nw'ement throughout the world as well as the wishes of our movement in America accompany these Kibbutzim in their brave venture.
5
May, 1937
On the contrary, there are grounds to believe that an additional wall of hatred and antagonism will be set up between the Jews and the Arab masses who will not view with favor and satisfaction a prosperous Yishuv in the valleys of the Palestinian coast when they shall be obliged to remain in their poverty and their backwardness. And as to the real benefits to be derived by Zionism—this is still dependent on the further details of the plan, whe-ther or not it will guarantee the immigration of several hundred thousand additional Jews in the near future and to what degree it may narrow the scope of Zionism in the future. Naturally, we shall continue our work under all conditions and in all circumstances but it is our duty to declare and to reiterate: The solution to the Jewish problem will not lie in the further breaking up of the small area we have today hut in the intensive cultivation and development of the entire area, in a program of agrarian reform which will solve the problem of the enslaved Fellahin as well as the problem of Aliyah for the suffering Jewish masses; the solu-tion lies in economic cooperation between the two peoples, in bringing forward the progressive ele-ments to be found among the Arabs and in estab-lishing with those elements a true covenant that will safeguard the rights of the Jewish people to return to their homeland.
FORTY YEARS OF THE ZIONIST ORGANIZATION
Forty years have passed since the call of Herzl brought together the delegates to the first Zionist Congress. Representatives of the Jewish people in all the countries of the Diaspora came together and declared before the world the desire of the Jewish people to free itself from the tribulations of the Galuth.
Since then there has been organized a powerful political, financial and cultural instrument which has united the masses of the Jewish people into one unit fighting for the upbuilding of a homeland. These forty years have marked a decisive turn in the history of our people of the last two thousand years. Many see in the Zionist Organization a potential Jewish state and in the Zionist Congress its Parliament. The truth is that the Zionist Or-ganization of itself is far from being a state, for it lacks the elements essential to every state—the ability to enforce its decisions. The Zionist Or-ganization is a voluntary organization, open to all elements among the Jewish people interested in the upbuilding of Palestine and in the renascence of the Jewish people. The Zionist Organization is that instrument which establishes and organizes
tails of the plan which proposes to redivide Pales-tine we can still express the following fundamental thesis. First of all, we can maintain that the time has passed when Zionism can be understood as the desire to establish in Palestine a spiritual center for the Jews in the Diaspora. Among the follow-ers of Achad Haamism today can be counted only the British Colonial Officials and a few Jewish in-tellectuals who are hopelessly estranged from the realistic needs of the Jewish masses. In the same manner we must negate the injection of Achad Haamism into the political conception of Zionism. We do not need the Jewish state as a toy nor are we in need of a representative in the League of Nations; what we do need is a place of refuge for millions of our persecuted brethren. We need the right to settle on every inch of soil which is today lying waste and neglected in Palestine. If we had been satisfied with a small Yishuv in Palestine we could have stopped the disturbances long ago and we would have had no need for the Royal Com-mission. It would have been sufficient to stop the immigration and peace would have been establish-ed. The Arabs wanted nothing more. The Jews of Palestine chose to continue living in danger and with unceasing efforts to defend the Yishuv rather than to buy off peace at the price of stopping im-migration, at the price of compromise at the ex-pense of the masses of Jews now suffering under the heel of Fascist dictators.
Will the Arab leaders accept this plan? There is a possibility that they will, in spite of the fact that they now shout so volubly and protest so vehemently. If they are obliged to choose, in the long run, between the alternative of the expansion of Jewish settlement in all of Palestine and the possibility of limiting this settlement to a small area which will put an end to the influence of the Tews on the development of Arab masses and their awakening; if this new plan will offset the danger of undermining the present social and poli-tical position of the feudal leadership and guaran-tee them “a safe" domination such as is enjoyed by Ibn Sand and Emir Abdullah, the chances are that they will agree to the latter alternative. England can surely accept a plan of this sort for it will guarantee her Haifa and the Mediterranean coast—a most sensitive spot in the British Empire of the Near East today; it will also assure her a population loyal and capable of defending the coastline between Haifa and the Suez Canal, es-tahlishing at the same time friendly Arab states in-eluding this newly suggested Arab territory. Whether or not the Jews can accept the proposal is as yet very problematical. One thing is certain that this plan will not show us the way to peace.
Hashomer Hatzair
6
our other Kibbutzim in the last few years can con-vey to our Shomrim the intimately real tidings from our Palestinian brothers.
Ramah is today as always filled with an ardent desire to be helpful to many causes and her plans are great both in number and content, but, as she assures us, this stay in America will be devoted en-tirely and wholeheartedly to the work that Ramah has always loved best—the work with the Youth. And it is therefore that our hopes are so high for the coming year and that we are so convinced of our success in the future—for the ready and ex-perienced hands of Ramah will be with us in our daily work, in our efforts to build up a strong movement of American Shomrim who will take their places beside their fellow-Shomrim in the re-building of Palestine.
Luck and Success to you, Ramah!
KIBBUTZ HASHOMER
The delegates of Hashomer Hatzair from Palestine have decided to establish a little “Kib-butz" in New York where they will live collec-tively with members of the ITanhagah Haroshith. This is in line with the great educational principle of the movement to introduce as much of Pales-tine as we can into our life here in America.
We expect our Kibbutz Llashomer to serve as a center not only for the members of our move-ment but also for the youth throughout the city which may be interested in establishing a closer contact with the spirit and atmosphere of Pales-tine, as reproduced by those to whom the life values being created in the homeland are part and parcel of their daily lives.
Somehow ¥6ץ have the feeling that our Kib-butz Hashomer will not only be successful, but that it will turn out to be one of the most valu-able educational assets of our movement. Ramah is going to stay with us, and in fact it was she who originated the idea several months ago in Palestine and was instrumental in getting the thing started almost immediately upon her arrival.
We extend an invitation to the close friends of our movement to come and see a hit of Pal-estine in the Galuth.
Kibbutz Hashomer 107 W. 11th Street N. Y. C.
this cooperation between the various strata and classes of the Jewish people with one aim in mind: The colonization of Palestine.
And yet, because of this status of the Zionist Organization there is necessary a greater degree of responsibility and discipline on the part of all those participating so as to make of the Zionist Organization an authoritative body capable of carrying on its functions effectively. If the good will on the part of all the elements in the Zionist Organization will be lacking, the Zionist Organi-zation will become an impotent instrument.
From the very first our movement did its best to establish the prestige of the Zionist Organiza-tion in the eyes of youth and to strengthen its con-structive work in Palestine. The fact that we have been recognized in the last years as a “Son-derverband" in the World Zionist Organization surely did not weaken our activities along this line.
But the Zionist Organization today cannot re-main merely a federation of parties and political groupings. It must become the organized expres-sion of millions of Jews. The last Zionist Con-gress was representative of a million Jews who had bought Shkalim. The difficult year which has just past and which to our regret has still not reached its end brought out all the more strongly the vital need of drafting additional millions of Jews for the upbuilding of Palestine—that single ray of light in the clouds of darkness covering the skies of Jewry today. Concretely, this will ex-press itself in the next few weeks in an intensified activity for the Zionist Shekel. By buying this Shekel, the Jewish masses will again have the op-portunity to express their will to build up the homeland; they will again be enabled to demon-strate their solidarity with the most constructive enterprise which Jews are carrying on today. The twentieth Zionist Congress will have to demon-strate that forty years of Zionist activity have not been in vain.
IRMA L. LINDHEIM
Irma Lindheim, much better known to us as Ramah, and with her all the possible energy and enthusiasm that one can hope to find anywhere, arrived three weeks ago from Palestine. True enough, all the various sections and organizations of Zionism rejoice over the coming of Ramah— for her visits to America always serve as a help and inspiration to all of them—but to us more than to any of the other Zionist groups—is Ram-ah’s stay in America cause for celebration, for Ramah brings to us a direct greeting—the pulse-beat of our Kibbutzim in Palestine. Her life in Mishmar Haemek and her close contact with all
7
May, 1937
dictatorship. Substituting a vulgar comparison of political forms to that of an analysis of social con-tent of any political form, these reformist parties have become like the Bourbons after the restora-tion; they do not see, they do not hear, they do not learn anything. But the German events have also created an opposite reaction. The masses have set in motion a wave of popular demand for a United Proletarian Front based upon uncompro-mising class struggle and a will to advance from a purely defensive position to that of attack. Par-ticularly has this been expressed in France where the Socialist Party has begun to move rapidly to the left and to accept a revolutionary program. The Austrian Socialist Party, parts of the Polish, Dutch, and Belgian parties, and the youth of all parties have accepted a left stand. For a time it seemed as if the Second International would disin-tegrate, and that its loose structure would not en-dure the pull of the opposite trends. Soon, how-ever, a new problem overshadowed the problem of struggle against fascism. On the horizon there loomed the red spectre of a new world war.
The Struggle Against War
Fascism means, first of all, the final preparation for the new impending war. Its purpose is to put the state under tight “totalitarian" control and on a war basis. The rise of German Fascism to power means first of all coordinating German in-dustry (the most advanced technically on the Con-tinent) for war use and raising the problem of war from a scare into an imminent threat directed primarily against the Soviet Union. The very ex-istence of the Soviet Union is incompatible with the existence and continuation of the capitalist sys-tern, and German Fascism as the shock troop of International Capital had its first designs on dis-membering Russia.
This fact created a new political line-up of forces. Before Hitler’s coming to power, Russia had an active orientation on Germany as an ally in the International arena. Hitler changed all this. Russia was suddenly isolated, endangered, sur-rounded by hostile forces, and a rapid readjust-ment of policy was imperative.
How did the Soviet Union meet this war threat? Two policies were open for the Soviet Union to pursue. One, the policy of faith and re-liance in the most natural ally in the world—the international working class. This policy would mean fostering and leading united working class
MAY DAY 1937
The International Labor Movement
The International Socialist Labor movement finds itself at the crossroads. Old party lines are being abandoned, new ones are being drawn. Old programs are being obliterated, new ones are be-ing drafted. It seems that a complete state of confusion and revision of all fundamentals is tak-ing place in the ranks of organized labor. Three factors have contributed mainly to this state of shifting and reshuffling of lines: 1. The conquest of power by German Fascism. 2. The threat of a new imminent world slaughter, and consequently
3. The new line of the Communist International.
Hitler’s Rise To Power
The triumph of German Fascism has brought to an end a whole period in the development of International Socialism. With one stroke one of the mightiest and best organized sections of both the Second and Third International was wiped out of existence without the slightest sign of any re-sistance. What was regarded as the citadel and vanguard of the working class in its struggle for emancipation, has revealed itself as a house of cards that can be overturned with one blow. The German debacle has clearly shown the bankruptcy of reformism or the ideology of gradual “grow-ing" into Socialism, as the road that leads to the victory and triumph of the working class. At the same time, the suicidal nature of the theory of “social fascism" used by the Communists has been demonstrated by the course of events as the theory responsible alongside with that of the Soci-al Democrats for the terrible, ignominious defeat. Like a boat sinking suddenly in mid-ocean creates a whirlpool sucking in all those who try to save themselves, so did the German debacle bring about the Austrian tragedy and it seemed that no-thing could stop the march of Fascism to power.
Of course, these events had a profound influ-ence on the international labor movement. A deep ideological ferment has manifested itself in the masses and as a result the Second International has shown two discernible tendencies. One, rep-resented by the non-Marxian British Labor Party and the most reformist sections of the Internation-al—the Scandinavian and Dutch parties, has mov-ed to the right, claiming that the German exper-ience has proved the value of political democracy and parliamentarism for the free development and organization of the working class. For the English Labor Party the world has become divid-ed into two camps—that of democracy and that of
IIashomer Hatzair
8
a further cooperation among the workers on the road to power, for Socialism. To this popular cry, the Comintern’s answer was: United Front?!— We are for it, but from below. We have nothing to do with the leaders of the Socialist parties who are lackeys of the bourgeoisie and on the payroll of the imperialist powers preparing the forcible over-throw of the Soviet Union (vid: the Menshevik trial of 1931). When members of the Commun-ist parties could not stomach this policy and de-manded a sincere United Front agreement they were promptly expelled from the party on the grounds of being Social-Fascists. That was the line until August 1936. But in August a complete reversal of the said policy was decided upon. Not only did the Comintern decide to pursue an active policy in favor of the United Front with the Socia-list parties and their leaders, but extended it to a Popular Front including also non-socialist, liberal, democratic elements of the Center parties. And why not? For the Communists there is no basic difference between the Socialists and the liberal bourgeoisie parties. In the so-called “third per-iod" the Socialists were as bad as the liberals, now the liberals are as good as the Socialists, since there is actually no difference between let us say Otto Bauer and . . . Father Divine (The Com-munist Party of New York had a United May Day demonstration with Father Divine). The Communist International then substituted the Popular Front for the United Front claiming that there was no difference between them.
The victory of the Nazis has created a new sit-nation. There can be no talk at present about struggle against capitalism. This issue is not ac-tual at present. The actual issue is Against Fas-cism—For Democracy (The Communist line in the recent elections in the U. S. A.). This new line has produced quite strange amalgams. Thus, for instance, has the Communist Party of Italy is-sued a manifesto to . . . the Fascists asking them to join in a United Front against the . . . few hun-dred families that supposedly control the econo-mic life of the country.
The New Line And War
As we stated in the beginning the real reason for the change in the “line" was the danger of a new world war and a desire to capture new friends and allies for the Soviet Union.
What then is the Communist stand to War?
The new line abandoned the old revolutionary-defeatist attitude to war. Claiming that the exist-ence of the Soviet Union has altered the situation completely, the new policy takes the military de-fense of the Soviet Union as the center and test of
actions directed against the capitalist system, pre-paring for revolutionary action in case of war, in a word a policy that is called—revolutionary defeat-ism. This would not preclude the possibility of the Soviet Government forming temporary alii-ances with this or the other imperialist Govern-ment.
The second would be to place complete hope and faith in an alliance with another “friendly" government as the only and main hope of saving the Soviet Union from defeat and isolation in the event of war. This second road means the defin-ite abandonment of the position Lenin held during the last world war, that of turning any imperialist war into a civil war and revolution. For an alii-ance with capitalist governments means support of their armies and cessation of any revolutionary propaganda among the soldiers and sailors of the given ally.
The Soviet Union chose the second road. And since the Comintern is nothing else but the agent of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union within the working class instead of an International, or-ganized for, by, and through independent parties the world over, it had to adjust its previous policy of “Social Fasism" to one that would parallel and conform to the new orientation in Russia’s foreign policy. Thus originated the new line of the Com-intern, officially announced at its last world Con-gress held in Moscow in August 1936.
What is the new line?
The new line of the Comintern takes as its point of departure a new analysis of the world sit-uation. It abandons the previous point of view that Fascism is an outgrowth and a stage in the development of the capitalist system, and that it can therefore be crushed only by crushing the roots from which it springs—by destroying the system, by nationalizing heavy industry and land, by abolishing the large industrialist and land own-ing classes. Instead, the Comintern has adopted a stand that Fascism can be crushed by fighting it politically without destroying the social roots from which it emanates. It means that by waging a defensive struggle for democracy (the once so despised “bourgeois democracy") in alliance with all democratic forces, Fascism can be defeated and the Soviet Union saved in case of war.
United Front — Popular Front
After the German debacle the popular cry of the workers was—United Front, let us do away with the factional divisions within the working class which are leading us to the worst catastro-phes and defeats. Let us build a united front of all workers’ parties on a basis of common, imme-diate demands which, in time to come will lead to
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omski" thesis which puts the defense of the Soviet Union at the center of the problem. This opin-ion, in practice little different from the present at-titude of the Communists, is shared by the Russian Mensheviks (emigres), by sections of almost every Socialist party, being especially strong in the French and Austrian parties. Since the Soviet Union is at present a member of the League of Nations, with Germany and Japan out, the thesis of Otto Bauer et co. does not differ practically from the stand of the Labor Party on the same problem.
The Independent Socialist Parties
There exists outside of the Second and Third Internationals a number of parties that are con-nected with the International Bureau of Revolu-tionary Socialist Parties. Lately they have grown in prestige as well as in strength. The most im-portant among them are the I. L. P. (Independ-ent Labor Party) of England, the S. A. P. (Soci-alist Labor Party) of Germany and the P. O. U. M. of Spain. The last has grown tremendously since the Franco putsch in Spain, jumping from a membersk'p of about 6,000 to approximately 50,000.
These parties definitely oppose the present line of both the Socialist as well as the Communist In-ternationals. They claim that there is at present no difference between both of them as far as policy goes (though there is a marked difference in or-ganizational structure). They are against the basic premise that the issue at present is not against Capitalism but against Fascism. To the followers of the Popular Front line they point out that in Germany there was the same form of gov-eminent called the “Weimar coalition," a coali-tion of Socialists and Liberals for the purpose of defending democracy. What was the result? In-stead of weakening Fascism this policy brought about the victory of Hitler and the complete par-alysis of the working class at decisive moments. Why? Because the masses were not interested in abstract! slogans of democracy or Fascism, they were interested in work and bread. And when the democratic governments failed to provide these (because the Capitalist system passed through its worst crisis in years) they turned against those responsible for this state of affairs, against the Socialists and Liberals. These Independent par-ties further point to the fact that the only remedy for unemployment, for economic crises, is a new social order, a Socialist regime. And if the econo-mic situation in France has improved lately it is because world capitalism is again in a period of temporary upswing, but it will shortly be followed
its line, simplifying the whole problem. In those countries where the government is allied with the U. S. S. R. it is the duty of the workers to support war and the government. In the countries where they are on the opposite side it is the duty of the working class to follow the policy of revolutionary defeatism and prepare to turn the war into a social revolution.
The Socialist Parties And The New Line
Most of the parties comprising the Second In-ternational are basically in complete agreement with the new line of the Comintern. It has long been their policy to regard as the main issue the defense of parliamentary democracy as the only instrument that can lead to the victory of social-ism. These parties have greeted the new line with great joy and with cries of “I told you so". The right wing of the Second International, however, is still distrustful of the Comintern. The British Labor Party for instance, points out that the Com-munists preach water and drink wine; that they fight for democracy outside of the U. S. S. R. whereas in Soviet Russia a terrorist dictatorship is still the form of political government; that so long as this duplicity exists they can have no faith and trust in the sincerity and duration of the pre-sent “democratic" line. (To meet this claim as well as to tighten the bond with the democratic bourgeois countries the Soviet Union is now mov-ing with great speed to the right. This is the gen-eral explanation for the trials and executions in Russia.)
There is a wing in the Second International which omits for the present the problem of the re-gime in the Soviet Union and agrees to enter the Popular Front along with the Communists. There are however other Socialist parties in the Second International which do not agree to enter a Popular Front, but are for a workers’ United Front. These are the Austrian and American parties, the Bund in Poland and a few other par-ties. As we see there is no unanimity in the Sec-ond International to the problems of United Front, Popular Front, or war. As to the last question there are two main points of view in ex-istence. One, supported by the English Labor Party maintains that the workers’ attitude to war should be determined by the League of Nations. The League of Nations should determine which of the states is the aggressor, and the working class should support the war against these states. This view is shared by the large majority of the Second International, including the Dutch, the Polish, and the Belgian parties. There is another point of view, expressed in the “Bauer-Dan-Zyr-
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tion in any of the capitalist countries that would spread from country to country and would have the most marked influence on the Fascist countries.
Conclusion
The world is passing through a period of fever-ish preparation for war. Soon the working class of the world will have to test its principles and programs in action.
It seems that more and more are the two Inter-nationals tending to take the same stand in sane-tioning war in the name of either defense of the Soviet Union or that of democracy. Only a few of the independent parties take a different stand. The working class will have to decide between the two. This decision must be arrived at through political debate and logical arguments that are convincing, and not through slander and villifica-tion of the kind that the Communists are using lately in their struggle against the independent Socialist parties.
The moral atmosphere within the working class must first of all be clean. Only then will Socialism become the form of life for the human race.
Yaakov Lofman
Our Greetings to the Kibbutz Artzi
Kvutzah Lehavah and the American Kibbutz:
Kvutzah Haschachar KADIMAH!
Mr. Mrs. John G. Golden
Mr. Mrs. J. Trombka Mr. Mrs. R. Plafkln K'VUTZAH KADIMAH
Mr. Mrs. Charles Solter Free Synagogue
CLEVELAND, OHIO Accept Our Heart-Felt Greetings! PARENTS ORGANIZATION,

MR. BENJAMIN KUDON Albany, New York • HASHOMER HATZAIR Montreal, Canada
ENGLISH SPEAKING BRANCH POALE-ZION Manhattan, New York
by an even worse crisis. A Popular Front govern-ment will not be able to provide economic secur-ity; it will fail and will give rise to a stronger Fas-cist wave.
For this reason the above-mentioned parties re-ject categorically any alliance with non-working class parties; they reject the Popular Front. They claim that the middle class will follow the working-class only when it will be bold and deci-sive in its struggle for Socialism as the only guar-antee against unemployment, war and Fascism. The Popular Front, they say, is only strengthen-ing the reactionary leadership of the middle class, whose task is to deliver their petty bourgeois fol-lowers into the hands of the present system. Not by an alliance with Herriot and the most corrupt radicals, but in a struggle against them, will the united working class be successful in winning the soul of the middle class over to our side.
What is their stand on war? It can be summed up in brief as revolutionary defeatism under all circumstances and conditions. They claim that in a war there is no difference between democratic and dictatorial countries. Both are then under military dictatorship which endure no opposition. The best defense of the Soviet Union is a revolu-
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May, 1937
FRONTIERS - EAST AND WEST
tented with." “Soon the old grey New England winter closed down upon them and before summer came again, out of ‘100 and odd persons, scarce fifty remained.’ Yet all through those trying days in the shadow of death they cut trees and built log houses; and when the planting season arrived, they put out twenty acres of corn under the direc-tion of friendly Indians who had visited them dur-ing the winter of their adversity and taught them the arts of forests and fields and stream."
How far away all this sounded when read in the metropolitan city of New York; how real the picture is when standing on the Hills of Ephraim. An interval of hundreds of years separates us. The great Mediterranean and the stormy Atlantic merge in between their turbulent waves, but there is ever recurrent the same human struggle and hu-man despair when man comes to grips with the primitive forces of nature and with the blind hatred of fellowmen.
And who were the early settlers who came to America?—a medley of races and people: Purit-ans and Separatists, Irish and French Huguenots, German Protestants and Bavarian Catholics, Nor-wegians, Dutch, Spaniards and Portuguese and amongst them “from many lands came the Jews fleeing as of old from economic and religious per-secutions." All merged together, adventurers
and landed-proprietors, searchers for gold and bloody sea-captains, yeomen and fugitives from justice, peasants recently freed from feudal ties, and refugees from economic and religious oppres-sion—all were beckoned by the promise of the new world to find wealth and a haven of refuge.
To you too, Palestine, are coming a medley of people of one disinherited nation; all lashed by a two thousand year old whip of hatred and perse-cution, fleeing from before the swastika of Plitler and the iron fist of Europe. On your shores are landing outcast children from Nazi-Germany and from “Endek" Poland, from Yemen of Southern Arabia, and from Tunis of Northern Africa, from the shores of the Euphrates and from the wastes of Siberia, from Bukhara and from Salon-ica, from Havana and Cape Town, from all the corners of the earth where the persecution of the Jew has become a holy commandment. Not hardy adventurers and bearded toilers are landing on your soil, but sucklings, mere youngsters whose parents have not handled the pick and the axe for two thousand years. They are urban and morbid,
It was by mere coincidence that I picked up Beard’s “Rise of American Civilization" and be-gan to finger the pages dealing with the early set-dement of America. Perhaps it was the thought that there is a similarity between our colonizatory project and that of the early settlers of America, perhaps it was merely my old interest as a student of American history that caused my imagination to race back 300 years and brought to life the Pil-grims and Puritans of old. There unfolded again that vast continent, called the New World, far away beyond the seas, clouded in mystery and barely explored, densely forested and sparsely populated by a human race strange to the white man, abundant in natural resources and in virgin soil—a new world to be conquered.
I turn the pages and read: “When once a foot-hold was secured on the coast line, the American colonists with tireless activity carried their enter-prises in every direction as they were beckoned by fertile valleys, gaps in sombre mountains, and the broad ways of the open sea."
Isn’t it mere folly to allow oneself to be thus carried away and begin making comparisons? But what sane logic will not do, imagination will. Poor little country of Palestine, how insignificant and miscroscopic you are in comparison with the vast continent that faced the settlers of America— a mere speck of dust. Where are your fertile val-leys and sombre mountain gaps? Where are your forests and your broad ways to the open sea? Instead, you greeted your newcomers with parched desolate hills and with burning desert, with dried-up river beds and with malaria-infested valleys. Yet your name was famous in the annals of his-tory thousands of years before the name “Amer-ica" Avas known. Yet, who dare say that your modern settlers come to you with less passion and ardor, with smaller vision and less expectation of a new civilization to be built up, than the early set-tiers of America?
America was not settled in a day; and all the natural blessings of the new continent had to be discovered and developed by human hand' and toil. The process was hard and difficult. “Many that came to them," writes Bradford, the historian of the Puritan group at Plymouth, “and many more that desired to be with them could not en-dure that great labor and hard fare with other in-conveniences which they underwent and were con-
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you have known to compare our achievements with those of Soviet Russia and are disappointed that we have not yet built up complete socialism. You have known to demand from the young pion-eering generation in Palestine a new Jewish art and a new Jewish literature, a new synthesis of every value in life. But you have forgotten that our very personal life is not yet safe.
At the moment when these very lines are writ-ten, a treacherous hand is somewhere plotting the death of a comrade. Only a few days ago, a fel-low worker, Chayim Bruk, was returning from his nightwatch in the valley of Beisan. Pie was guarding the new colony of Tel Antal, founded by the first native-born Palestinian youth of the Pla-shomer Hatzair. Chayim was returning home in the morning when the bullet of a cowardly assas-sin felled him down. During the last moments of his life, Chayim jotted down his thoughts on a piece of paper:
“Comrades—it is terrible to die so young. The pains are overwhelming, comrades, why don’t you come?
“Good-bye to all my friends and comrades.
“Everything for our freedom."
Chayim was a young worker, only 22 years old; and who at the age of 22 wants to die? At these last moments of his life when scenes passed kalei-doscopically before him, he revealed to us all the tragedy, all the conflict and all the meaning of our struggle. Not death, but life do we want, and nothing is more terrible than death. But our death has a meaning. It is “for our freedom." To Chayim, who said it at the last moment of his life, it was not a phrase. It was his whole life. It is what gave significance to it. He sealed this free-dom with his blood.
And at this moment, while these lines are being written, there reaches us the horrifying news of the cowardly murder of two Jewish shepherds in the hills of Nazareth and the robbing of their flocks. For thousands of years the Jewish hand has not tended the flock. Here it returned to shepherding with care and with diligence just as it has returned to the plow and to the rudder, only to be cut down mercilessly in cold blood. These two shepherds have not written down for us their last thoughts. But if they had a pencil in hand and if they could have written, have we any doubts as to the contents of their words? They too were young. They too wanted life and what other meaning could there be to their death than the forging of “our freedom"?
With a trembling hand one picks up the paper after a day’s toil. Is there another obituary?
supersensitive and filled with complexes. They are fleeing from the very same western civilization which is part of them and whcih they helped build up. They are still amazed and bewildered and yet determined to found a haven where no perse-cutor will lift his hand again.
I turn the pages . . . “Instead of natives sub-missive to servitude, instead of civilization ripe for conquest, the English found an immense con-tinent of virgin soil and forest, sparsely settled by primitive peoples who chose death rather than bondage."
In Palestine too we have found natives. But not to force bondage on them did we come, but to live peacefully and to develop together the re-sources of the country. We had come in the be-lief that two related peoples of two related civili-zations are meeting on common ground. We met the masses, enslaved by the oppressive yoke of feudalism and fanatic Islamism, to whom we ex-tended a brotherly hand of social help and cooper-ation. The masses, led astray by their present leaders, have refused to accept it and have aimed their weapons at the heart of the very people who will and must become their allies of liberation.
Onward flows the imagination and it makes its own reasonings and comparisons. Again it visions the America of the 16th and 17th cen-turies, the battleground of empires, the continent built up during the downfall of feudalism. It marks the rise of the crafty merchants and indus-trious craftsmen. It designates the blossoming of the present system of capitalism and the develop-ment of that capitalistic power which is destined to surmount them all by its vastness, by its mach-ine power, by its accumulated wealth.
. . . On the other hand, little Palestine, built during the decline of that very same system, dur-ing the clash between fascism and socialism, con-stantly in danger of being crushed by the world forces surrounding it . . . I close the pages of the book and force myself to the realities of the pre-sent situation.
Most of you, Jewish youth of America, have been too busy leading your own private lives, plan-ning your future careers, to be aware of what is going on, on the eastern shore of the Mediterran-ean. But even you of the youth, who have become interested in the constructive work of Palestine, who have listened with fascination to the tales of the achievements of the socialistic communes (Kibbutzim), you too have not understood the pioneering conditions under which we have to work, nor the difficulties we have to face. You have already learned to demand from us a new national culture to rival those of western Europe;
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May, 1937
victims at the hands of our present enemies. We are new at this process. Don’t judge us too harshly, Jewish Youth of America, if comrades will fall. But know, there will be meaning to our struggles and sacrifices in constructing a new agri-cultural settlement in Palestine, if there will be followers well prepared to continue our work. We, American youth, have a more difficult task than others, not because we are different, but be-cause there always exists the beckoning finger of America, calling back to a land of comparative freedom and economic security. But we are de-termined to carry on not only because we are con-vinced that we are paving the way for thousands of American youth who will sooner or later have to look to Palestine as their home, but also be-cause we fervently believe that together with the Tew of Berlin and Warsaw, of Bagdad and Lon-don, of Pinsk and Czenstochowa, must also be the Jewish youth of New York and Los Angeles, of Cleveland and of Chicago, of Albany and of Montreal. Hand in hand shall we form the pat-tern of our new national anci socialist culture. United can we forge the metal of our national and socialist redemption.
Shmuel (Cohen) Ben-Zevi
Hadera, March 13, 1937
SOCIETY
• by Avraham Ben-Shalom
You desire Kvutzot or Kibbutzim? Very well. But not at our expense. What have they to do with the Zionist Organization? But to object to the Kibbutz on financial grounds alone is not con-venient, at any rate not sufficient. After all there are those who do not look for inexpensiveness alone but prefer beautiful things even if they may cost a bit more. Why shouldn’t there be among the bourgeois Zionists in America or England or Germany or South Africa some who would be in-terested in supporting socialist experiments in the Holy Land? We are doomed to live in the old world and will die in it (until we die it is very good to live in it). These youngsters who want to build a new world for themselves and lead a moral life in the land of our Fathers—why shouldn’t they. Go ahead! But who told you that in a Kibbutz you had a moral life? Can people who possess “Communist" principles have any morality? We ourselves visited Palestine and saw “with our own eyes" the immorality of those who live in the Kibbutzim—the free love, the
Has there not been committeed another cruel mur-der of a dear friend or a comrade? Then one glances mechanically at the second column. It has been going on so for the last eight months. What is the news from Spain? Is Madrid still holding out? Who more than the Jewish worker of Pal-estine has known what it means to defend one’s home against a bloody attack? Who has felt more the seriousness of the struggle? Who fol-lows it more painfully? Who extended propor-tionately more actual help under the circumstances when the Palestinian worker himself w'as fighting a struggle of life and death? For here one knows that it is not merely the fate of the Spanish worker that is being decided, it is the fate of a socialist Europe against a fascist one. It is our fate that is in the balance, for without the triumph of social-ism, our triumph is postponed.
All these thoughts have been going through my mind as I stopped to think for a moment of the significance of the settlement of the first American Kibbutz on land. We, members of the Kibbutz, know that it is not an easy task to build up a new colony. We know that some comrades will drop out on the way for the path leading to the hills of Ephraim is unpaved as yet and filled with stumb-ling blocks. We also know that some may fall
TOWARDS A NEW
Efficiency (continued)
But our “Utopianism" did not worry the anti-Zionist radicals alone. Before long opposition to the Kibbutz arose within the ranks of the Zionist Organization itself. This time we ceased to 'be “reactionaries" and became simply “batlanim" (idlers) wasting the money of the Jewish people on doubtful social experiments.
The Fourth Aliyah continued. For the first time in Zionist history not scores or hundreds but thousands and tens of thousands began to stream into Palestine. The idealists, the Pioneers ceased to be favorites. It was now the turn of the “masses". The national funds were pushed into the background: to the fore came slogans of “pri-vate initiative". “Et livnot" (time to build) and not play with romantics cried the Polish Zionists and “Efficiency" demanded the Zionists in Amer-ica. New social ideas are but luxuries for the Zionist funds which have to serve as means for bringing the maximum number of Jews to Pales-tine.
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would come a time when one could do business there, when it was necessary to drain the swamps of Emek Jezreel and light malaria, when the American Zionists had not yet dreamed of build-ing the city of Afuleh, then we were the heroes of the nation. And now? We had outlived our usefulness —we were no longer needed. “The moor has done his work—the moor can go."
The moor had done his work—but could he really go?
In those days it was difficult to believe in the victory of the Kibbutz. All the facts seemed against us. It was also hard then to prophesy the breakdown of the Fourth Aliyah and the bank-ruptcy of the anti-Halutz ideology. We were in the midst of a mass immigration, Palestine seemed to be entering a period of normal capitalist devel-opment. In addition rumors reached us of the disbanding of many Kibbutzim and Kvutzot in Petah Tikva and other colonies. Even in those difficult times we didn’t despair. We felt intuit-ively that our day would come and the Halutz would again be needed. We felt that the anti-Halutz psychosis and the belief in private capital as opposed to national were not only an evil and an injury to our pride, the pride of young idealists, but harmed the historic interests of Zionism as a whole. Indeed all my years in Palestine, every hour I lived in the Kibbutz, proved to me the fal-lacy of the ideology of the 4th Aliyah, namely, that an end had come to the Pioneer period and to Kibbutz experiments.
I shall not here enter the economic crises, the unemployment and relief, that came as an after-math of the 4th Aliyah. Thousands of workers were enabled to tide over difficult times thanks to the Kibbutz. For the very foundation of the Kib-butz is sharing one’s bread. I won’t go into the moral influence of the Kibbutzim during those cru-cial davs, their serving as “citadels of faith" in an atmosphere of general despair which seized un-employed and suffering workers. I shall rather go on to the period of the new prosperity, that followed afterwards.
I had already at that time been in Palestine several vears. The period of adjustment-travails was behind me. My tent had long since been taken down and I already had a room of my own in a Tzrif (bungalow). Passing from a tent to a Tzrif is no little thing in the life of a Halutz. In the eyes of an outsider it will probably seem strange that there can be any joy in living in a small ,wooden room with scarcely any furnishings. Someone else may perhaps see in this an “increase in our standard of life." I myself never thought
children who don’t know their parents, the lack of family life, the godlessness. They bring shame upon the entire nation! And a “whispering cam-paign" began that worked wonders. Without the help of any wireless instruments Zionists in Berlin, New York, Warsaw, Bucharest, pious Zionists concerned with the honor of Israel and the sane-tity of its Law, whispered at the same time, the same “terrible things" that were going on among the “rebellious sons" in the Kibbutzim of Pales-tine. The Kibbutz which had been the favorite child of the Zionist Organization suddenly became its “enfant terrible". How did the whole affair strike us?
During that period I was still in the Golah, but many of my comrades were already in Palestine, in the Kibbutzim. I hadn’t yet seen “with my own eyes" this new order of life. But one thing 1 knew: that while these “Efficiency Zionists" fought in the Congresses against the Kibbutz and against the “privileges" granted to the Halutzim, my comrades had not yet recovered from the mal-aria they had contracted in the Emek or in Had-era. I also knew that they could avoid being stric-ken with malaria if they desired. That doesn’t mean that they enjoyed the mosquitoes or didn’t struggle against malaria. But they could have left the work to others and waited together with all the good Zionists in Warsaw until Grab-sky (Polish minister of Finance during the Fourth Aliyah) forced them to buy real estate in Tel Aviv, and to set up candy stores, restaurants and soda-stands in the first all-Jewish city. They could have remained in security in Berlin for a few more years and enjoyed the feeling of super-iority over the “Ost Juden" until Hitler should destroy their illusions about the differences be-tween Ost-und-West and leave the one real con-cept: “Jude".
At that time there began to steal into our midst the uncomfortable feeling: Aren’t we being re-garcled as something once useful but which has now outlived its usefulness? We burned all our bridges behind us; we gave up the comforts that might have been ours had we elected to remain in the Golah. We believed that we were going to the Kibbutz not only to realize a lofty social and ethical ideal but to give a new content to Zionism. We believed that through the Kibbutz we were giving more to Zionism than we could in any other w7ay. And yet w^e suddenly learn that tve are inef-ficient and are wasting the money of the National Funds, that wre are living at the expense of the Zionist Organization, etc.
When Tel Aviv vras still sand dunes and the Polish Zionists had not yet dreamed that there
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May, 1937
This state of affairs was due to one thing—the emptiness of the Zionist treasury and the decision of the Agency that repayment of debts was to be placed before new investments—in building quar-ters for new Olim (immigrants) in the Kibbutzim. Money or no money in Keren Hayesod—the Ali-yah must go on, must be absorbed. How? Don’t ask. As long as there is a Kibbutz movement everything is possible . . .
When I remembered in those days, the speak-ers in the Zionist Congresses who worried about “Efficiency" and about costly “social experiments" at the expense of the Zionist funds, I had but one desire: Would that I could make one of these speakers sleep in my bed and get up in the morn-ing for a day’s work with the “Touriyah" ! He would have learned something about efficiency! I would gladly have given up my place in the Tzrif for a week and then, sent him to give his speeches in the Congress.
An Historic Coincidence
We really should have been glad when Zion-ists told us: “There is no longer any need for Chalutzim. The ‘plain Jew’ has the same right to Palestine. After all a pioneering life is no end in itself. The pioneers’ task is to prepare the way for the rear guard. As soon as the rear guard begins to move, the pioneers’ task is over." It is true that not all Zionists thought likewise. The more far-seeing among them said: “The boom of Tel Aviv will not last. A crisis will follow, a slump, and then your turn will come and the burden of upbuilding will again fall upon your shoulders." But these words did not con-sole us. We never viewed the life of the pioneer as a hard task forced upon us by circumstances. It was a task we had taken upon ourselves, of our own free choice. I didn’t desire an easy life as a heritage; I accepted a difficult life which came as a result of my own conviction of the truth within me. Not the privilege to receive did I desire, but to give. This is one of the differences separating the existing society from the Kibbutz society—in the former the individual is happy when he can receive—in the latter when he can give. We sought a way to combine the striving of youth all over the world for a society free from class exploitation (this we later called Socialism), and the striving for freedom and se-curity of the most oppressed people of all times, of our people (this, we realized, was Zionism).
How to combine these two strivings? Not through programs, resolutions and platforms. We didn’t interpret the Socialist ideal as the duty to work “for" the workers’ class. We saw So-cialism as a positive value in itself, as a new code
in such categories. It never occurred to me to connect the lack of proper furniture in my room with the poor economic conditions of the Kibbutz. I enjoyed exercising my ingenuity to convert a wboden box into a table, a can into a chair. I was glad to get a room for myself simply because it gave me the feeling that I was no longer a “Rookie." The greatest joy a Halutz knows is the feeling that he has become a veteran and can now look upon new Halutzim as “Rookies." It may seem strange to those who think that the greatest enjoyment is to be found in night-clubs, that my moment of greatest joy came when I was able to instruct a new Halutz from Germany in the use of the “Touryiah." How pleasant it was to approach the youngster in whom the memory of Hitler’s concentration camp was still fresh, who was covered with sweat from his attempt to keep up the regular tempo of the “touriyah," and to console him: “Don’t worry, comrade, it’s not so bad. I too suffered thus in the beginning. But, you soon get used to the work and tomorrow your troubles will be forgotten." These are moments of joy to the Palestinian worker, these moments of meeting new Halutzim.
Moments of joy and happiness always? Oh no. When I remember the long months during which the Kibbutz had to serve as host to the new Aliyah of Halutzim from Hungary, I don’t recall moments of joy. On the contrary. I enjoyed my room in the Tzrif very little. The Tzrif is the quarters (residence) of a Halutz and it too has to perform one of the fundamental duties of Zion-ism: the absorption of the Aliyah. My room was no worse than any other, so my room too had to “absorb the Aliyah." My room? . . . my bed!
Many of the readers of these lines probably ex-perienced some time or other this hospitality, this giving up half of one’s bed (especially after a late party). The pleasant memory of the party sweet-ens the uncomfortableness of sleeping two in a bed. But when instead of a pleasant memory of a party there is the knowledge of a hard day’s work ahead of you, sleeping doubled up in a narrow bed is no particularly great pleasure. And when the thing continued for one night and two and three and weeks and months—days of fatiguing work in the Pardess and even more tiring sleepless nights —then of all the ideals, which the Chalutz looks forward to, one ideal becomes uppermost—to have a bed of one’s own some day. And let me assure you that this ideal is a source of happiness scarcely less great than any other one. During those weeks when my turn came to receive a rest period and I could sleep alone in my bed, I felt a rare contentment,
Hashomer Hatzair
16
we organized the inner cultural and social life. Fifth, we established contact with the workers in the colony and participated in the organization-al, cultural and political activity of the Histadrut institutions in the place. Sixth, we developed auxiliary economic enterprises on the grounds of the Kibbutz (tree nurseries, vegetable gardens, chicken coops; we bought a team of horses; the donkey that was picked up somewhere couldn’t be classed as an economic asset; he belonged rather to that sort of Kibbutz property classed with the victrola, the volley ball or bicycle.
The next milestone—that could be only one thing: settlement. For a young Kibbutz to de-velop successfully and to crystallize its collective life properly, it isn’t sufficient that all the mem-bers be conscious of the road ahead of them and that there be suitable social and administrative organization, but it is necessary that in each period there be a concrete objective about which all the members of the Kibbutz can be concentrated. Our task in this period was bound up with the Arab name—Wadi Hawareth—a name whose very sound stirred our imagination and awakened in us a pioneer spirit. About Wadi Hawareth we knew only two things: that it was a stretch of Keren Kayemeth land of more than 30,000 dunams not far from us on which, besides the waste land, there were malarial swamps and a few Bedouins; that the settlement of this land Avas being postponed until arrangements could be made to minimize the danger of malaria, and until the necessary Keren Hayesod loans could be guaranteed to the settlers. For indeed, there had again come a wave of “prosperity" upon Israel.
Once again the Jews in the Holy Land began to build houses in Tel Aviv and to speculate in real estate. Orange groves were uprooted to make room for real estate lots.
The lot of the national funds was a bit differ-ent then. It reflected the ruined state of the Diaspora—Europe could not help because there was no money, and America was too busy with its charity drives and welfare funds.
What of the fate of national settlement? Was there any hope? This question was on the lips of each Jewish worker in the colonies. We too asked this question. We asked but we also real-izecl that if we did not answer this question our-selves — nobody else Avould. Whether or not there Avas money in Keren Hayesod—Hityashvut (settlement) had to go on! How is it possible? Don’t ask. As long as there is a Kibbutz, every-thing is possible . . .
Our first contact w'ith Wadi-Hawareth came
of life. We realized that it was not sufficient to believe in Socialism, Ave wanted to live as Social-ists.
We did not interpret Zionism as the duty to help “our persecuted brethren", but as the raison d’etre of the modern JeAV. We couldn’t see Avhy the Jew should forego a thing that every nation in the world possessed—a homeland.
We found a source of inspiration and joy in the very fact that we were given the historic mission to build a new society from the bottom up in a waste land, while the youth among the other nations faced a society Avhose foundations were rotting away, and which could not be changed very easily or very quickly.
Our impetus to live a pioneering Kibbutz life sprang from national, social and ethical factors. But the Fourth Aliyah tried to destroy our faith. It implied that the development of Zionism and its objective needs possessed a logic of their oavii, a laAV of their own, w'hich had nothing to do with the dreams of idealistic youngsters.
The needs of the nation and the strivings of youth — can there be a contradiction between them? Will we be needed only when the crisis will come and the mass aliyah ceases ? Can one build a movement on the prospect of an eventual crisis ?
When I recall my thoughts in those days and my experiences in Palestine after that, I come to the conclusion that of all the misunderstandings of the Kibbutz and of its pioneering tasks, there was none more unfortunate than that which main-tainecl that there Avas no need or place for Chalu-tziut in time of prosperity.
I needn’t delve any more into memories. The time has come to describe the decisive step in the pioneering life of every Kibbutz in Palestine. I shall simply tell how Ave settled on the land, how the Kibbutz known as “Hashomer Hatzair" at Hadera became Kibbutz Ein Hachoresh, how Wadi Hawareth became Emek Hepher. It is possible that many may believe that the greatest suffering of a Kibbutz takes place in a time of economic depression in Palestine, when bread is scarce and despair widespread. That is a great mistake. To suffer together with others is not so very difficult, it is even “pleasant" at times. To suffer alone—at a time when others enjoy them-selves, that is more difficult; then suffering turns into bitterness.
Several milestones marked the establishment of our Kibbutz in a colony. First, Ave built our camp and living quarters. Second, Ave entered the Avork in the pardessim in and around the colony. Third, we received a new aliyah and instead of a mere nucleus we became a full-sized Kibbutz. Fourth,
17
May, 1937
bring bread to the group on a donkey, and how often during the winter the waters of Kishon River, which they had to pass, rose so high that it carried off the bread and the donkey and they would arrive soaked to the bone and empty-handed. And how even later on, when they brought food from Haifa, their wagon would take a day or more to cross the swampy ground, though today an auto covers the same distance in half an hour. But those Kibbutzim were helped in the beginning and even later on by the national funds which lent them or invested in them hun-clreds of thousands of pounds. Not always, however, did they receive generous grants. Most of the time they received only a portion of what they needed, yet without this help Hityashvut (settlement) in Emek Jezreel would have been inconceivable.
But let us return to Wadi Hawareth. And in so doing let us differentiate between two phases. The first phase —• the “poetic" period: Dreams, plans, enthusiasm, a Neshef (celebration) in honor of our leaving from the workers of Hedera, and the song which was on our lips as we began our settlement:
Wadi Hawareth, Wadi Hawareth We must build, let’s do it now.
Wadi Hawareth, Wadi Hawareth We’ll do it moneyless, anyhow It’s a job for a stout heart We’ll continue what we start Wadi Hawareth, Wadi Hawareth.
And now to the prose. Here begins the tale entitled “How a Kibbutz Settles Without Money." The tale is divided into five sections:
1— Malaria
2— Spartan Food
3— -“Mobilization" on the Sabbath
4— “Mud baths"
5— •“Three’s a Crowd"
(To Be Continued)
SHOMER!
Before going +0 Ihe Chava or to Aretz get your clothes at
GARFINKEL’S 18 Ernst !!roadway
Suits, Raincoats, Leather Jackets, Work-Clothes at Slashed Prices
through those of our comrades who worked on the western end of this stretch, near the seashore. When we saw the wagon of Vitkin’s groups enter-ing our yard we knew: they had come to ask for help for Wadi-Hawareth. First they asked for girls to work in the kitchen of their Kvutza which was the only one on that stretch of land. Later they asked for men to help during the harvest. Our comrades were glad to go. Keren Kayemet (JNF) paid fair wages and “Yom Hakalkala" was high in view of the danger of malaria (bet-ter food?—yes, even pioneers’ stomachs are able to digest it). Later on Keren Kayemet requested workers for the eastern end of the Wadi. Here we had to plant an eucalyptus grove eight rows deep around the portion of land belonging to Keren Kayemet. This stretch of land was elyptic in shape and was surrounded by a narrow belt of swampy land belonging to the government and known as the “Government Swamp." As we planted these trees not one of us suspected that before long we should be walking with our chil-dren in their shade. Nor did we suspect that within a few years we should be digging trenches in that grove to guard our settlement and to bury our first comrades. We agreed to call the grove “The Island." And so it was called until the Keren Kayemet approved the name Ein Hachoresh (Well Spring of the Plough-man) which our Kibbutz suggested. We thought that Wadi-Hawareth in Arabic meant “Valley of the Flowers" until a young professor from the Hebrew University, who had come to study the territory, explained that Hawareth simply refer-red to the name of a tribe that had once been there. The Ein Hochoresh name is now usually interpreted by outsiders as meaning “Eye of the Forest", probably because the settlement, with the forest which surrounds it like a girdle, has the appearance of an eye.
How easy and pleasant it is now to write how the “Island" became a “Well Spring of the Ploughman." Doing the thing was a bit more difficult, indeed.
The Kibbutzim, in our older sister-valley, Emek Jezreel, had no easy time of it either. We read and heard about the difficult times that Ein Harod, Tel Yosef, Bet Alpha and the others had had.
We arrived in Palestine. The members of the Kibbutz which was then known as Kibbutz Beth Hashomer Hatzair, passed from Afula to their place of settlement. My friends there told me about the difficult period when one part of the Kibbutz was camped at Afula, and the other was in Abu-Shusha, laying the foundation for the Kibbutz settlement known today as Mishmar Haemek. They told me how they used to
Hashomer Hatzair
18
THE KIBBUTZ
Ha Emek)
With a farewell “Shalom" he walks on, his gun on his shoulder. The gong rings, the Kibbutz begins to stir. The strong low voices of men, the high but also strong voices of women, are wafted to me by the wind, as they call to each other on their way to work. I pass the cow-shed, and the stables. The horses neigh as they drag the plough up the road to the forest. The dining-room door opens and shuts irregularly, letting in a few people and many flies. Smells of food, stables, freshly baked bread and hay are mixed in my memory. Life is now stirring in the low children’s building on the hill.
I am again at the cement steps. I go up slowly. Down the steps will come the younger generation, to work, to better their lives and the lives of their children, building up a homeland, realizing a dream—back to the soil.
Vivian Goldstein
October 4, 1936
Vivian {Aviva) Goldstein, aged 14, is the daughter of Dr. Israel Goldstein, President of the J. N. F.; she studied at the Mosad Chinuchi (The School) at Mishmar Fla Emek.
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(.Mishmar
Mist, grey blankness, the purple sky is bright-ening, the mist sweeps up from the valley. I slow-ly move from the long terrace, I come to the first step, the sky is streaked with gold, an ocean of mist surges up and disappears. The beautiful Emek in its bright waving green and rust grain rises up before me, surrounded by low mountains. The orange sun casts deep shadows on Givath Ha Moreh. I quickly descend the four cement steps, whose whiteness reflects the coming day. I leave the low modernistic building, and looking across the “wadi" at our picturesque little Arab village, I see Salim, I wave to him, “Saida," calls Salim in his nasal Arabic voice. “Saida," I answer, my Americanism all too visible, in my effort to pro-nounce correctly. I shiver, it is cold, standing so long. I start down the hill to the Kibbutz, I walk slowly, beauty surrounds me; an ideal, a hope, be-ing worked out, the future? Who knows? The night wachtman passes me on his way to ring the morning gong. ITe greets me in Hebrew, “Hello, up already?" His voice is deep and resonant, his Polish face radiating the surroundings; all this cul-tivated ground, once so barren, the buildings, water tower, “tsrifim", and the forest of sturdy young trees, all this is his, his and his comrades; the soil belongs to them, they belong to the soil.
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19
May, 1937
Palestine Labor And The Zionist Congress
We know very well that we cannot be likened to workers in many other countries. In Palestine we have a Jewish economy, the Arab economy is closed to us and the Jew-ish economy is the only one where we can place our work-ers. Despite that we cannot be blind to the fact that in the Jewish colonies there is a large number of Arab work-ers who have been working there for years, and we must establish together with them a front against the unorganized Arab labor.
We must once and for all make clear to ourselves what we want in Palestine. If we want cooperation we must know how to carry cooperation into practice.
Our greatest misfortune lies not in the fact that the British Empire flirts both with us and the Arabs and that its policy is not favorable to our work in Palestine. Our misfortune is that we have a united front of Arabs against us, and this fact was not inevitable. How different would be our position if apart from the Mufti we had a group of Arab workers fighting the Mufti ? How strong our position in Palestine would then be!
No one has proved satisfactorily that it was impossible to organize the two or three thousand Arabs working pre-manentlv in the Jewish colonies.
Why has an Arab newspaper been published only now? We demanded years ago that something be done to offset the Arabs’ getting their sole information from the Mufti; that we do something to make them understand and to make clear to them that we did not come to drive them out of the country.
The attempts made by the Histadruth to influence Arab workers have not been cause for disillusionment; they should encourage us to continue this work.
We are now faced with a sensational plan to divide up Palestine. It is as yet too early to pass judgment; we still do not know the details. But if England wants to give us a national “toy state", we shall under no con-ditions be partners to the comedy.
True that we have to be realistic and to utilize every opportunity which in some measure will carry us forward; but we cannot for one moment forget that we must bring millions of Jews to Palestine, as many as the country can absorb.
We can fight against the plan to partition Palestine with a positive program, not only with protests. Jewish-Arab economic cooperation is a means to prevent the partitioning into cantons.
From the standpoint of mass immigration, of bringing millions of Jews into Palestiine, it is important for us to declare that we visualize in Palestine two nations with equal political rights. There is no other way out for us, and there is no other way for the Arab workers as well.
But no plan will help us if we ourselves will not be strong. The Shekel Campaign of the Twentieth Zionist Congress should demonstrate this our strength.
The fact that we go together in a united labor front to the Zionist Congresses is no accident. It is not a mere technical bloc, organized in order to gather a greater number of votes. It is also not accidental that we work together in the same Jewish colonies in Palestine, in the same port at Haifa, that we were together in the same trenches and stood together at our posts. We cooperate in the constructive work of the labor movement and we are mutually responsible for the success of that work. And yet we represent different politi-cal trends. The Histadrut is certainly not a sacred ikon which must not be touched. It is a workers’ organization. It is strong and powerful not because it is a unit politically, but despite the fact that it is made up of various movements. As such it may serve as a symbol to all other labor move-ments.
We are now facing a Congress at a very important and decisive political moment. One does not have to be very clever to irrasn this, but it is recessary to be a helpless Left Poalei Zionist in order not to understand that at the present moment England is a great power, a tremendous force.
This we all understand. But this same powerful empire with its airplanes and cannons fears to be dependent on only one factor, be it the Arabs or the Jews, and its intention is to paralyse both factors. And we, a weak people, a persecuted people, without cannons, can we say that we can today com-mit ourselves only to the English factor? Only with Eng-land? Is that not liable to bring to defeatism?
How can we say that England is the only factor that can help us? Naturally we must utilize every element of the Mandate, and it is therefore foolish to speak of opposing the Mandate or of “driving" England out of Palestine.
No other colonial power will be more progressive than England. The political domination of Palestine would merely be transferred to a worse government, most probably Italy. And yet we must strain all efforts and seek another element of support which will not be a temporary one but most probably permanent, and do all in our power to build up a united front.
We must not be hyper-realistic. A hyper-realistic ap-proach will bring us no real results. With the greatest sat-isfaction I listened to Chaver Greenberg yesterday when he expressed his stand on the Arab Problem—a stand which has been laughed at and derided by the majority in Palestine when we, Hashomer Hatzair came forth with our concep-tion of the same problem.
It has always been evident to us that there is no power that can drive out the Arab workers even from the Jewish colonies; we know that the Histadrut could never do it, and actually it has never been done. We claimed that in order to bring in an ever greater Aliyah it was not necessary to put forth a slogan of 100% Jewish Labor; “Maximal Jewish Labor" would have been sufficient.
JOSEPH ARONOWITZ
All Palestine today mourns the death of this man who stood out as one of the great leaders of our generation. The loss is an especially severe one for the labor movement for in the period of a few months we have lost both Beilinson and Aronowitz.
We mourn the death of Joseph Aronowitz.
(Wards spoken by Avraham Ben Shalom, Delegate of j-t",1," Hatzair, at the Convention of the Palestine
Labor Bloc)
Hashomer Hatzair
20
BAMOLEDET
Like all children, they play—but instead of playing “house" as we used to play, they play “Kibbutz". “Ruth, you be sick, you must lie here in isolation and Dan, you must be the doctor and examine her." None of the children are allowed to be near Ruth. Poor Ruth, she is the more quiet so she’s always chosen to be sick. Dan is the tall-est and huskiest—he prescribes a “diet" and a me-dicine—which Orah, as a devoted nurse immedi-ately begins to pour down Ruth’s throat.
A few days ago I saw Orah and Dan, each with a dirty rag full of sand in turn rubbing Noam’s head. They didn’t pay any attention to his en-treaties and cries—they held him down and just rubbed. On asking them what they were doing, Orah explained: “Orah is washing Noam’s head and Noam is a bad boy and doesn’t want to have his hair washed".
Lately a big event occurred in the children’s house. Y— sent the children a kid from Mish-mar Haemek. It is all black with long ear-laps and does it jump! Right now it is the attraction of the children house. Joy knows no bounds. Each child tries in his own way to show his love and concern for the “gdi". Together they roam around with him and mimic his leaps and jumps. They stroke and feed him and when they think he is tired—they put him to sleep.
There they all are—a sturdy bunch of healthy youngsters. Today we worry only of their phys-ical needs and whatever educational approach is desirable—tomorrow we shall have to decide up-on problems of their schooling and soon to come they will be our followers, working side by side with us in field and barn, and finally will take over our task and improve on it when we are too old to continue.
Pninaii Horowitz
SHOES
Katif (orange harvest) is almost over. Every branch of work at home suffers during full Katif. I, too, exchanged my hammer and awl for an orange clipper. But I’m already anxious to get back to my little shop. It is not more than a month since we stopped work in the Sandlariah (shoe-makers’ shop) and already many have felt it. Complaints of a little tear, of a torn sole, a lost heel, come from all sides. The children show shoes bursting with sand, which made its way through a wee opening. Visitors, who during the day are wont to spend several hours on the “Kib-
OUR CHILDREN
(In the American Kibbutz)
Nowhere in the world is there such a wonderful collection of children, and nowhere, in return, have children so wonderful a world as the Beth-Yeladim in a Kibbutz. Visiting a few of the Kib-butzim in the country just recently—I couldn’t help wishing that I too were a part of that happy lot of youngsters.
Being a comparatively young Kibbutz, and be-fore Hityashvut, we’re considered to be quite a productive Kibbutz. We have 12 children and 5 “on the way." Our oldest, Orah, being but 2 ^ years old, our Beth Yeladim comprises merely two groups—the nursery and “the big children" (so called by themselves). They live in a world all their own—a world that has its joys and its sor-rows, its problems and its own solutions for them.
As far as they are concerned (the children) — the babies lie contentedly and quietly in their pens, basking in the sun or munching one of their toys. Out of them we can only manage to get an occa-sional constriction of face-muscles which their mothers interpret to be smiles or laughter, joy, and so on. They eat, sleep, are bathed and sleep some more. In some of their waking moments, they are played with, they see their parents making faces at them, they smile and go back to sleep.
Yael is the biggest rascal of the younger child-ren. She is a year old now and very, very daring. Her chubby legs can hardly support the chubbier body but that doesn’t prevent her from walking and running all over. She doesn’t wait to get her equilibrium—when she sees something she cannot reach—up she goes and wabbles a step or two, flop, she falls, seeing that no one is around, she doesn’t bother to cry, gets up and pursues her journey. Should Yoram (her junior by six weeks) be in her way—she simply steps over him and continues. If he dares to raise objections, she bangs him on the head once or twice and bawls him out: Dada, da, da, da! ! !
We find the big children at work in the morn-ing. They are cleaning up their lot with spades and shovels and rakes. Orah, enters the lot and immediately announces: “Children, Orah is here!" Orah, as the oldest, immediately arranges everyone to work—Noam with the rake, Avra-ham with the shovel, Ruth and Dan carrying wood.
21
May, 1937
watched for them. Ugh—they came trudging along covered with a layer of fresh, red mud.
This first pair was followed by after-work shoes in various styles, sandals in different colors, and finally the use of by-products. Gifts in the Kibbutz, like many other things, depend upon a budget which is limited, and a demand which is great. Thus on our next free day, some brown and tan pieces were drawn together into a lovely picture album; some grey and black into a shaving kit. Then the Clothing Department wanted to know if we could make good-looking buttons, or nice sport belts, which are so expensive. Well, our leather industry developed into a marathon of original ideas. Our Sandlariah is situated on the “main street." Although a show-window is still a matter of the future, many a Chaver is at-tracted by our handiwork and steps in for a talk. How convenient and pleasant it is to be able to sit, work and chat. Thus a club has been formed. Only on special occasions do all its members as-semble. Often our heated political discussions awaken the nearby children from their afternoon siesta. Many a speech made at a Sichat Kibbutz has had its dress rehearsal to hammer rhythm.
During the summer, tourists greet me from the open door with—“What would your mother say if she saw you now?" or “A girl a Shuster!" One of them suggested that a good way to earn money for the Kibbutz would be to sit in the window of Klein’s Repair Shop on 14th Street and show how they did it “over there".
These remarks come from globe trotters who rarely see what they should when trotting around, or from visitors of every English-speaking coun-try in the world. Nevertheless, many of these people are both interesting and interested. Well, the new leather supply has just arrived. It must be examined and checked up in preparation for the new season.
Sarai-i Kahn
Hedera (American Kibbutz) March, 1937
bitzers’ Bench," wander listlessly about. The members of our “club" miss their sessions. From everyone greetings—“When are you resuming your work?" or—“I must send those sandals to my sister by next week."
In the Sandlariah the dinner bell takes me by surprise. Until then it never occurred to me that time was passing. While in the Pardess, after snipping and clipping millions of oranges for hours and hours, it’s only 10 :00 a.m.
Now take a piece of leather; a large, flat, soft piece; black or brown; thick, thin or thinnest; a simple skin of leather. You look at it; you feel its quality; apply your pattern; cut it; sew it; stretch it on a last; manipulate it; actually mold it; and at the end of eight hours you see before you a real creation, shining new shoes.
I’ll never forget the first pair I made all by my-self. I kept looking forward to that moment eagerly. At times I was impatient with P— for not letting me try, since even he said that I could make every part quite deftly. The day came. I tried to be very calm, for if the knife should slip when I already was its master I would never for-give myself. I was annoyed when spoken to. I felt only the eyes of the “expert" guardingly look-ing over their glasses. After much anxiety and cut fingers, came a sweet, satisfying calm. The “masterpiece" was ready for “finishing". I was told that tomorrow was another day; that eight hours had long since past. That evening I stole back, finished and polished them until they glistened.
The following morning I eagerly watched a foot fit into a new work shoe. Was it short? Narrow? Did it cause pain anywhere? Only when I was gently ordered to hand over the sec-ond shoe, did I suppress a sigh of relief. I smiled inwardly when the expert was congratulated on the fine work he did. They didn’t even know! They did’nt know for a long time afterwards, for I feared that if they did, they’d seek and perhaps find faults. The next day at 4:00 p. m. I keenly
Hasiiomer Hatzair
22
A DONKEY’S TALE
beings who in order to find their way must al-ways have someone sit on top of them; in contrast to a simpleton he does not enslave himself even to the fixed laws of “Sidur Avodah" (the com-mittee which arranges people to work in the Kibbutz).
The members of the Kibbutz could not at first understand this donkey or, rather, they did not want to understand him. This was in the period when, in general, the individual was not “understood" in the Kibbutz. And so the don-key, as an individual, very much hurt by this state of affairs, one fine day decided ... to leave the Kibbutz. This was at a time when, in gen-eral, individuals were leaving the Kibbutz. Only then did the Kibbutz realize the void which had been created, and it decided formally that it could not accept the leaving of the donkey, for the latter had given no previous notice.
And when conditions changed and individuals were beginning to return to the Kibbutz, who should return . . . but the donkey! The reason for the return is still problematic. What is known is merely that at that particular moment, romance entered the life of the donkey. He decided that his upset state of mind, psychologic-ally, and his general feeling of depression were due to erotic causes, and he therefore decided to find a personal solution for his own personal problem. And since the scope of our Kibbutz was too limited, he turned to the neighboring Kibbutz. There he met her, the dark-eyed one and . . . but those things aren’t spoken of in pub-lie. The anti-climax came about when even then the donkey was not given a family room, but had to remain as the “third" in a family room. Again a period of psychological depression . . . an attempt made to find sublimation in work . . . but all to no avail. And then came the disturb-ances . . . again a feeling of depression . . . and this time there was a real danger that the donkey would leave and never return. All day he walked about smelling the earth as if looking for some-thing.
The Finale:
The donkey finally found his redeemer. There were elections in the Kibbutz and a new Chatzran (the handy-man) began to ride the donkey, and suddenly a change was brought into the latter’s life ... A small cart was set up, the donkey was harnessed to it and now, like the horses and the mules, he has become an important and profit-able “enterprise" in the Kibbutz.
Mordecai, Kibbutz Shamir Palestine, March, 1937
This is the Introduction:
The hero of this tale is a donkey, a frequent sight in young Kibbutzim. Our donkey was bought at the very beginning of our Kibbutz life, and he has taken part in all its trials and tribu-lations. His living quarters are in an old Arab ruin which first served us as living quarters, but which has since been turned into a stable for our two mules and . . . the donkey.
When a member of the Kibbutz is called a donkey it may not always be justified. On the other hand, no one can deny the privilege of the donkey to be called a member of the Kibbutz, for he not only is a veteran of long standing, but in the place he holds in our society, he is at least as important as anyone else. Like every member in the Kibbutz, he eats bread which is not fresh, and wades more than anyone else through the mud. In addition he has to be the third inhabit-ant in a family room of two mules. Like every member of the Kibbutz he has put his shoulder to the wheel, and his back is ready to bear either a can of milk or a sack of bread, or . . . all sorts of peculiar creatures whose two front legs swing out in front, when astride of him.
The first period in the life of the donkey was a chalutz period, one of troubles and need. He was regarded with distrust, and his place in so-cietv was not recognized; what was worse, he never rose to the position of having a room for himself. Like every bachelor he was bitter about the “pull" which families had in the life of the Kibbutz. Especially painful was the daily sight of the portion of oats handed to his neighbors while he himself had to be satisfied with the left-overs from the kitchen. In those days the committee in charge of rooms paid no attention to him, for the Kibbutz was then interested in stim-ulating the initiative for new families.
The Character of the Donkey:
We have already heard that the donkey is very bitter about the fact that every fool and simpleton has the privilege of being called a donkey. We believe that he is somewhat jus-tilled in this. He himself would be even more insulted if someone were to call him a man. For see how many virtues the donkey has, superior to those of man: he has a strong will, and wdien he does anything it is not because of pressure which is brought to bear upon him, but because of his inner consciousness. He maintains that if he permits someone to ride on his back that does not obligate him to go exactly where the rider wants him to go. Contrast this with human
23
May, 1937
IN ERETZ YISRAEL
Is the Zionist Organization a Capitalist Body ?
I want to refer to one particular problem which is of importance in our discussion. We are mem-bers of the Zionist Organization. Some of you believe that by affiliation with this organization, which is alleged to be a tool in the hands of capitalism, we are sacrificing our class interests. We feel that there has arisen a definite misunder-standing as to the nature and character of the Zionist Organization, and it is your duty as a delegation to get a first-hand knowledge of the ,work done by Zionism in this country, and to investigate this matter. The Zionist Organiza-tion is the liberating organ of the Jewish masses. It expresses the organized will for national re-birth. It is false to believe that Zionism is based on the assumption that capital is to give the money and the workers, the labor. A few years ago I was a delegate of the Jewish National Fund to Galicia. Where did we get the funds? To whom did we go for contributions? To the poorest of the poor, who were depriving them-selves of bread in order to contribute pennies to the upbuilding of their future. It is the collec-tion of these pennies wThich had made possible the present colonies of workers. More than 80% of the national funds go directly to help the workers. They are used to buy land for com-munal settlements, for the health service and education of the workers and their children. At the present moment representatives of the Labor Party are at the head of the Zionist movement. In view of all this, how can the Zionist Organiza-tion be called a tool in the hands of Jewish capital (as Left Poale Zion would have us believe) ?
Dr. Weizmann and Zionism
I suppose you know Dr. Weizmann. He may have served England during the World War in a certain capacity. But I had occasion to hear him in London recently; he spoke officially as the President of the Zionist Organization. In his speech he stated that the problem of Jewish-Arab relations in Palestine would be solved not by negotiations between Jewish capitalists and
The ITashomer Hatzair was the first La-bor Zionist group to contact the Independent Labor Party of England several years ago. We can justifiably claim the credit for what-ever change has crept into the attitude of this I.L.P. to Zionism. When the Independ-
Yaari: “We hereby greet Comrades McGovern and Stephens, members of Parliament representing the Left Opposition, I.L.P., of England. Our connections with the I.L.P. are not of yesterday. For several years we have formed close connections, both informative and organizational, with the International Bureau and with the I.L.P. We felt that our contacts be-came especially direct and personal with the visits of Bentov and Orenstein in England. Bentov’s description of his visit to your summer camp, published in our press, made a very deep impres-sion upon us. Your gatherings, your discussions, your form of life, have shown us that you are interested not only in exchanging ideological opinions, but in forming a new pattern of life. Jfour summer camps reminded us of similar gatherings of ours at the foot of the Carpathian Mountains. Twenty years ago we gathered there pot merely to hold discussions but to create a new type of worker, a fighter for national and social justice. Your “New Leader" reminds us very much of our own paper. You state facts ,simply; you try to see things directly, and you are attempting to find a synthesis between theo-retical ideology and problems of daily life; these are the values for which we have been fighting. We are sorry that our publication is not as widely .read in your ranks as your publication is in ours. The Jewish Working Class
Here in Palestine, you see before you people who are not sons of workers. We are sons of a class which is unique; it is not even the middle class. It is made up of the most unfortunate group in society. It has been the object of polit-ical and economic discrimination, the target of cruel pogroms and of merciless boycotts. Pass-ing through the small towns of Poland, Lithuania, Rumania, one can witness scenes of unimaginable persecution and destruction. The masses of un-employed miners of England are much better off than these impoverished Jews. And 95% of the workers you see in this country are the sons of these Jews !
ent Labor Party delegates, McGovern and Stephens visited Palestine, they met with the Executive of the Hashomer Hatzair. We bring here excerpts of the addresses of Me-Govern, Stephens and Yaari, the latter rep-resenting the Llasliomer Hatzair.
Mc Govern and Stephens with Hashomer Hatzair
Hasiiomer Hatzair
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The Right Poale Zion (United Labor Party) now represent the majority of the labor movement in the Histadrut. On the same issue there was a split in the Left Poale Zion two years ago, and again a few months ago a third split took place, some of the members deciding to join the Labor Party. The mechanistic theory of the Left Poale Zion has claimed that capital will do the building, and the workers are to engage in class struggle. Their theory is that everything is to be left to its natural development; immigra-tion will flow by itself, etc. Workers’ communes, being outside of the pure class struggle are reac-tionary, so far as they are concerned. Coloniza-tion should be left to the capitalist class. The realization of Zionism is inevitable, and our func-tion should be that of class struggle.
Dynamic Zionism
In this long dispute, history has decreed in our favor. We felt that we could not wait, for everything had to be built from the beginning. And so we created cooperatives; we established agricultural workers’ settlements; and we have attempted to develop a culture, based upon Marx-ist interpretation. It was our contention that class struggle could be and had to be carried on side by side with constructive building, and that the latter would aid the former. In Palestine, labor has been building its economic strongholds in competition with, and against, the capitalist class. The LP700,000 invested by the Zionist Organization in workers’ settlements have been turned into assets of more than LP2,000,000 (ap-proximately $10,000,000) today. We have been successful in creating a tremendous economic power which is today in the hands of the work-ers. Without our workers’ settlements, coop-eratives and institutions, the trade union activ-ities and the class struggle would be far less effective. We had to create a class, and in so doing we had to start with nothing. We had to train labor; we had to do the colonization, and all this time we've had to protect our class interests.
Three Labor Groups
There are three groups in the Palestinian la-bor movement: the first emphasizes the trade union and class struggle, and neglects entirely the constructive aspect (Left Poale Zion). In all these years they have accomplished nothing by way of constructive work. At the same time they have exerted but slight influence in the class struggle, either along political or industrial lines.
Arab Effendis, but by finding a common language between the Jewish workers and the oppressed Arab peasants and working masses. And then, turning to the right wing, he stated that he saw no hope for Zionism in the camp of the reaction-aries, and that the day would come when reac-tion would be smashed completely. These were the words of a person who is not a Socialist, but who represents the true character of Zionism. When Dr. Weizmann comes to Palestine, he first visits the workers’ settlements. If instead of Baldwin, Maxton were at the head of the British government, Dr. Weizmann would con-fer with him as well. He might even prefer to do so, but he has very little choice in the matter. Whereas there exists a liberal attitude to the movement of national emancipation of other peoples, we have a feeling that our movement is being scrutinized through the lens of a micro-scope. I believe that a Socialist candidate cannot be dogmatic on this subject—he has to consider circumstances. Karl Marx in his day knew how to evaluate correctly, and he supported the Polish national movement in spite of the fact that it was led by the Polish gentry.
Ours is a national movement for liberation, led and directed by workers. Our field of activity is not in Europe but in the Near East. Because of that it is a much more difficult task, and the least we can expect from fellow Socialists is under-standing and cooperation. In the interpretation of Marxism there have always been two versions: the mechanists claimed that things could be left to their natural development, and the economic factors themselves would bring about Socialism. The true Marxists emphasized that the time ele-ment was essential, and they stressed the impor-tance of the human factor in this development. Suppose we grant that Socialism will come about, (low long will it take? Is it a matter of a thou-sand years, of a hundred years, or of Socialism in our own day? The revolutionary labor move-ment has been true to its goal by not wanting to wait; it has wanted to accelerate the process and help Socialism to materialize.
Mechanistic Zionism
The parties in Labor Zionism have likewise split on the issue, whether Zionism will come about of its own accord or whether workers will have to bring it about actively. Borochov is considered the father of the Marxist analysis of Zionism. But there is a difference of opinion in the interpretation of his analysis. This differ-ence led to a split in the Poale Zion in 1920.
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May, 1937
matic nor doctrinaire; we want to face realities and establish our class struggle accordingly.
Unity in the Labor Movement
I believe the I.L.P. is interested in unity within the labor movement, and though it left the Labor Party some time ago, I am sure it would have liked to remain within, if it could have found a minimal program and have secured freedom of political activity and propaganda. You will find the same situation in Palestine. We, too, are for unity, but it must be based on a minimal program, mutually agreed upon. We are not interested in entering the Labor Party and being obliged to leave it after a short time. We de-mand a minimal program based on class struggle, the right of strike, opposition to compulsory ar-bitration in labor disputes, and greater activity and organization of. Arab workers, freedom of affiliation with the International Bureau, and a Marxist program of workers’ education.
I want you to understand that if to this day we have remained outside the ranks of the Labor Party, it is because we have felt that in so doing we can the better influence Palestinian workers to move to the left. If the opposition in the Pal-estinian labor movement has done anything to change the opportunistic line of the majority, we are the ones who are responsible. It was the Hashomer Hatzair which was most responsible for the defeat of the agreement which would prac-tically have outlawed strikes. Again it was through our initiative that the Histadruth organ-ized the campaign to help the Spanish workers, at a time when we ourselves w"ere in the midst of Arab riots and attacks. Likewise, don’t for-get that it was the left wing of the Labor move-ment which was responsible for the exclusion of the Revisionists, the Jewish Fascists, from the
Zionist Organization.
Hashomer Hatzair and United Front
Considering the circumstances, we have accom-plished not a little in establishing 33 agricultural communes, in having 3,500 members in Palestine and 60,000 followers abroad, and in publishing a bi-weekly with a circulation of 5,000. All this is a strength which must be reckoned with. And if you consider that we have accomplished all this without party machinery, without officials, without a bureaucracy, that while living in the country we have been able to influence the labor movement in the city, a feat which has been un-equaled anywhere else, you will see why ־we exert such a considerable influence in this country, as practically the only opposition group to be reckon-ed with.
The Left Poale Zion want a united front with the opposition parties. We are also interested in
The second group understands the importance of constructive work, but it is not militant, and its line is an opportunistic one (The United Labor Party). The third group is the Hashomer Ha-tzair. We believe that we have found the syn-thesis between constructive building and militant class struggle. We have a constructive program of colonization, and yet we carry on an unflinching class struggle in political and industrial fields.
Rationalization in Agriculture
I hope that during your short visit you will take the trouble to see some of the 33 settle-ments we have established. Compare them with the so-called capitalistic ones along side of them, and you will see why cooperation succeeds where private initiative fails. Near my own Socialistic commune of Merchaviah there is the capitalistic settlement of Meskah, established by the PICA and the philanthropy of Rothschild. Whereas we have one hundred dunam to a family, they have three hundred dunam to a family. And yet they live in poverty while we enjoy comparative comfort. Their standards remind us very much of the surrounding Arab settlement. A cow in their barn yields 1,000 liters of milk a year; ours yield 5,000 liters. Their hens lay 70 eggs an-nually; ours, 150.
These may be mere details, but they illustrate the strength of workers’ achievements. If one were to consider that our colonization-costs per family average no more than 33% of similar projects in Australia, one might get an idea of what we have accomplished. Our strength lies in our collective spirit, in our adaptation of So-cialist principles to production and social organi-zation, in our fervent desire to see as much of Socialism as possible in our own day, and in our refusal to put it off for the future. But we know very well that this is not yet the goal, that it is only a tool in our political struggle against cap-italism and for Socialism.
Palestine: Another East Side?
We refuse to establish in Palestine another East Side of New York or another Whitechapel of London. We are determined to enter the basic industries of the country and to educate our children to follow" in our footsteps as mem-bers of the working class, and not to dream of escaping from it. The Hashomer Hatzair, un-like other Jewish groups and parties which ori-ginated as a result of the Russian Revolution of 1905, arose after the World War. Many of us participated in the War; most of us left schools and universities to come here to participate in the upbuilding of the land. We are neither dog-
Hashomer Hatzair
26
trying to help our party find a true analysis of the complicated problem of Palestine. At the meeting of our commitee in August last year, we were obliged to adopt a policy regarding the struggle in this country. This policy was not supposed to be conclusive, permanent or final. I adopted it with certain mental reservations. Our visit here at this time has enabled us to gain a practical knowledge of your work in Palestine, and has given us a different outlook on your present difficulties. Experience is the best teach-er and we have profited by our experiences in this country. We are here to learn and we are learn-ing every day that we spend in this country. We are convinced that our party did not fully recog-nize the difficulties confronting you. The visit here has taught me to be more realistic. I see in your struggle for protection an absolute ne-cessity for unlimited immigration. I promise to go back to England, to come to my party, and to demand a complete revision on this problem. The immigration must be unrestricted and un-limited. It should not be in the hands of the High Commissioner nor even in the hands of the Agency. No weapon should be given to any group to exclude militant Jewish workers from this country.
The Effendis and Jewish Immigration
The solution to the problem of Palestine lies in the development of Arab and Jewish workers. It is obvious that the Effendi class has been great-ly disturbed by Jewish immigration. The Ellen-dis fear the higher standard of life, the culture, the class consciousness of the Jewish worker, and see in it the danger that may make the fellahin rise up against the oppressing class. I am con-vinced that the only way to overthrow the yoke of the effendis is to proclaim a policy of unre-stricted Jewish immigration which will influence not only the struggle between the effendis and fellahin of Palestine, but the class conflict of the peasants in the entire Near East as well. If there is to be unity between the Jewish worker and the Arab felahin there must be an under-standing of a minimum of cooperation. You, with your higher culture, your higher standard of living, and your greater class consciousness, must set the example against your effendis.
The I. L. P. and Imperialism
I am prepared to learn, to listen, and to be-come acquainted with new values in your country. But I assure you that we will never adhere to any policy backing imperialism in any country. We represent a revolutionary workers’ movement. We also have special difficulties of our own.
(Continued on page 31)
unity, but under the circumstances we believe that the unity between the two opposition groups will in no way counteract the influence of the major-ity party. We believe that our task is to create a United Front with all workers, and our specific problem is to drive the majority to the left.
British Imperialism
Another much-discussed problem is British Im-perialism. We do not care to play with phrases, and to present the slogan of a “workers’ and peasants’ government" in this country ,would be merely a phrase. There is a vast difference in the conditions under which the English labor movement is working and the conditions under which we are working. In England there is a definite stratification of classes. The English worker is oppressed by English capitalism, and it is his task to overthrow it. We, too, are inter-ested in fighting imperialism, but our conditions are a little different. We know that if England is driven out of Palestine, Italian Fascism will step in. To fight British imperialism effectively Ave must have an ally in our own country, and
this ally would naturally be an Arab Socialist
party. We are progressing in this direction. We visualize a bi-national Socialist republic in Pal-estine which will influence the entire Near East. We have not come to Palestine as missionaries.
We have come to find a solution to our national
and social problem. But we realize that our own movement of liberation must go hand in hand with the liberation of the Arab masses. It is false to belieA^e that maximal Zionism means min-imal Socialism, or that minimal Zionism implies maximal Socialism. The ReAusionists aaFo are supposed to be maximal Zionists are ready to sell out the Jewish masses to the highest bidder for even a small Jewish State. But we, Socialists, have the responsibility for the fate of our masses, and it is the lot of those masses which drives us on to adopt a constructi\7e Zionist program to-gether with a reAmlutionary Socialist program. If you expect us merely to come forward with slogans you will find us disappointing. But if you are looking for a group Avhich has the ability to combine a sense of reality and an evaluation of practical achieA^ements, Avith a consistent fight for Socialism, for the unity with Arab workers— then you will find in us allies and co-workers, an-other link in the chain of reAmlutionary Socialism." McGovern : “Comrades and Chairman. I am delighted to come here today on behalf of the I.L.P. to meet an-other group of Palestinian labor. I haA^e a A^ery happy recollection of Bentov’s Ausit at our sum-mer school last August. As an indiAudual he 'mpressed me Avith his sincerity and patience in
hoshua, also, was refused admission twice and only after a long delay was he able to come into Canada. There are several points which make this Moatza an outstand-ing one:
120 delegates and Shomrim from all Kinim except Baltimore, Boston (who had their large Neshef Pumbi at the same time) Philadelphia, and Los Angeles (who sent three delegates and a Haggada by proxy) and sev-eral Nekudot, were present (besides the Torontonians).
Publicity both before, during, and after the Moatza was exceptional: Every Yiddish paper carried articles and editorials; reporters called daily to obtain reports of the Moatza; the largest English newspaper in Tor-onto (The Star) printed an interview with Josh Leib-ner (and his picture) on the front page.
The arrangements and preparations by the Shomrim of Ken Toronto were remarkable. On the first night all of the 120 Shomrim had obtained places to sleep and to eat. The Ulam, the Neshef, the order, the publicity, were of the highest perfection. No more could have been demanded. The Ken received special mention for its fine work.
The Neshef which was presented on the last evening of the Moatza was a good one. Besides words of praise from representatives of many organizations, and the addresses of Josh and Yonah, there were presented songs by a well-trained choir, a gymnastic exhibit, and some interpretive dances.
The last supper of the Moatza was an “Achila M’shutefet!" The Parents’ Organization prepared a miniature banquet for the Shomrim in the Ulam. Sing-ing, talks, new songs, etc., were featured.
The Moatza sent greetings to the Kibbutz Artzi on the occasion of its tenth anniversary, to the Amer-ican Kibbutz which is at the point of settling on its own land, and to the JNF whose 35th Jubilee is being celebrated.
The Moatza made plans for the unification of Sym-holism and Pikud, for improved Moshavot, for our work until the Moshavot.
Asephot of Kibbutz Bet, Chug Bogrim and of the Tzofim Bogrim were carried on simultaneously. One saw the strength of our Movement in this preparation of younger people to lead the work even before the pre-sent leaders had all gone to Aretz.
Yehoshua brought the greetings of the American Kib-butz and spoke of their problems before settlement in Jiara. The news that the Government had agreed to set up a police station right on the grounds of this new place was cheered by the delegates, and Kibbutz Beth grew jubilant over the arrangement whereby it will re-ceive the $10,000 loan when Kibbutz Americai-Banir pays it back.
Creative art in the Kibbutz reached its height, when a few weeks ago, an original musical comedy was given by the American Kibbutz at Hedera. Words, music and dance improvisations—by the members of the Kibbutz, a Gilbert Fish and Misha Sullivan comedy—full of rollicking tunes that were picked up by the large Hedera audience and are now being sung in every barber-shop and orange-plantation in the neighborhood. The large carpentry shop was transformed into a theatre and the audience of 1,000 found seats in between the machines, tables and benches. The place was packed up to the ceiling (literally speak-ing) and those who found no room inside, hung in from windows and doors. Many visitors came to see this great spectacle and congratulated the Kib-butz on its perfect artistic creation. The life of the Kibbutz was parodied in couplets. Scenes of Kibbutz work and Kibbutz business, of Kibbutz discussions and finally of Kibbutz gossip were told in gay tunes, dance and costume. It was a bright beginning of artistic creation that may grow out of a collective life such as ours, and promises great and better creations for the future.
Keren Hashomer
Only a month remains for the conclusion of Keren Hashomer! Ken Chicago collected $70 in Yom Keren Hashomer. Ken Detroit made a re-cord with a collection of $91. The young Ken Milwaukee outdid itself and collected $62. Tor-onto sent us $46 on account. Which Ken will be heard from next? What is being done in your Ken with the Bulim, L’vanim, Jitonim, etc. Has every Shorner subscribed? There is no time to delay. The campaign ends soon.
Moatza Roshit successfully concluded. Neshef by Ken Toronto on the last night receives the ac-claim of all present. Many plans suggested by Moatza.
In spite of many unexpected occurrences, the Moatza in Toronto (April 1—3) was carried on enthusiastically and successfully. Right off, botli Avraham Ben Shalom and Chana were denied entrance into Canada and spent the days of the Moatza in Niagara Falls, N. Y. Ye-

27'
In The Movement
May, 1937
Hasi-iomer Hatzair
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But one Shomer would recognize another despite differ-ence of city and environment, and almost immediately this mass was knit into one unit, helped of course by the intimate atmosphere of the Ken of Toronto. The four walls of the Ulam were beautifully decorated with pictures, posters and slogans, all made by the Shomrim of the Ken. Every delegate felt that he had come to his own home and that he was in the environment of his Shomer family.
This Moatzah brought together the Mnahalim of the two younger generations—Tzofim Bogrim and Bogrim Tzeirim, who came en masse to the Moatzah and formed the large majority of the delegates present. Their parti-cipation also put its stamp on the discussion of the prob-lems which were on the agenda. True, that there are still many problems confronting these Shchavoth, but it is quite evident that they contain elements potentially so fine that they will serve as a source of strength to the movement in the diffusion of its ideas throughout the American youth. There was felt a longing and desire to find a synthesis between their lives as Bogrim in the move-ment and their functions and activities as Mnahalim.
It is worthwhile noting that this Moatzah also stimulated the desire of the Bogrim to establish the third Kibbutz of our movement; this remained not only a desire, for the first steps have already been taken. Even more inspiring was the fact that already among the Tzofim Bogrim the idea of Kibbutz Daled was beginning to mature; this was not a matter of fanciful dreaming for they actually intend to realize it in the near future. Our movement showed again that it is a movement where Aliyah and Hagshamah are not only for individuals who have stood the test but that these have become the principles underlying the life of the great majority of our members.
This Moatzah convened at exactly the same time when, ten years before, the Kibbutz Artzi of Hashomer Hatzair was established in Palestine. This fact may have been
purely accidental, but then again it might have been sym-bolic. There were very few in the Kibbutz Artzi when it was first organized; there were only four Kibbutzim, numbering 254 people. There were many who doubted the ability of the Kibbutz Artzi to establish an independent federation and many derided the wish to establish a separ-ate federation of Shomer Kibbutzim. Today, after ten years of existence, the Kibbutz Artzi has become a most potent chalutz factor, comprising 35 Kibbutzim and more than 3,500 members (with children and parents—over 4,000). One cannot imagine what Chalutziuth would be like without the Kibbutz Artzi; the Hashomer Hatzair is well in the vanguard of all the activities of the labor movement in Palestine.
The Moatzah pointed out the great similarity that there was between the work in our movement here in America and that of the Kibbutz Artzi in Palestine. We also began with a few, with no idea as to how to approach the Jewish youth in this country. And today, after twelve years, our movement has struck deep roots in the soil of America, and we are steadily increasing our numbers. Our movement is still young, but potentially we are a most important factor in the life of American Jewry and espe-dally in the Zionist movement.
Two tasks confronted this Moatzah: 1) The summing up of our work in the past year. 2) The program of work for the future. The Moatzah fully accomplished its mission. In the summing up of the past year, failures as well as the ae'-omplishments were discussed. We knew how to criticize, with an eye to correction in the future. The problem of stabilization came up; we had begun the previous year with a period of expansion, without having been ready to assimilate all the youth that entered our
The Shomrim returned enthusiastic and ready for the new period of work till Lag B’Omer and from Lag B’Omer to the Moshavot.
Yona and Chana return to the American Kib-butz.
After two years of very fruitful work both Shlichim sailed for their Kibbutz on April 7th. Almost a hun-dred Shomrim gathered at the pier to see these two Shlichim who are so well known and admired by the Shomrim in all Kinim in America. And we know that the whole Movement joins with the Mishlachat and the Hanhaga Rashit in wishing them a very hearty Chazak Veamatz and L’hitraot.
It is the nature of our Movement to be dynamic—to witness a steady flux. And so only a week before Yona and Chana sailed, P’nina Horowitz, a member of the American . Kibbutz and the latest Shlichah of the Kib-butz Artzi to America arrived in New York.
Neshef Pumbi in Boston highly acclaimed.
Newspapers speak of “magic touch."
Ken Boston presented the Pageant to an audience of between 800 and 900, among whom were practically all the prominent Zionists and Jews of Boston. And let it be said right away, “The pageant was collossal!" Even those in the audience who had been in Palestine during the time of the riots spoke of the accuracy of the picture presented by the Shomrim. Everything added to the success of the Neshef: fine publicity in many newspapers beautiful orchestration of the music by Henry Lasker, excellent scenery prepared by Yitzchak Bookstein of the Ken, and the address of Josh Leibner who brought greetings from the American Kibbutz.
Mention must be made of the untiring efforts of Dr. Frances Burnce whose work in preparing the Pageant was largely instrumental in making it so great a success.
After The Sixth Moatzah
The meeting of the Moatzah Roshit is no longer an unusual event in our movement; it has become accepted as a regular institution; one year a Veidah, the second year a Moatzah. But where a tradition has been set up, there is the danger that the content may be lost and that merely the external form will remain. We have seen this happen to many organizations that have their conventions each year and do not bring new matter but merely repeat the same empty phrases again and again. Even the resolutions are prepared in advance, and are accepted “unanimously" by the delegates. The power to create has left them and only the barren tradition remains.
The same feeling was voiced here and there among the Bogrim before the Moatzah met. There were among us those who believed that we had nothing new to add, that everything had already been said and that this Moatzah was called only as a matter of tradition: A Moatzah every second year.
Were these feelings justified? Was this a-priori crit-icism sustained? These questions can be answered only by those who participated in the Moatzah and heard what went on there. Shomrim came from all corners of America —every city with its own characteristics, its own style, its sincere desire to penetrate into the basic values of the movement, and to add to them from its own experience. Kinim from the East met Kinim from the West and each was replete with rich educational experience, even though they had been in existence only a short time. We felt that we had found the right approach to youth that was very far from us in past years.
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May, 1937
Gdudim because we know that we can work sue-cessfully only when we have groups of the same age level. No matter what the circumstances may be, Mnahalim would never agree to having a 13 year old and a 16 year old person in the same Kvutza. And yet in Moshavot this same long-es-tablished principle is completely forgotten. All Schichvot are piled into one Moshava: Bnei Mid-bar and Tzofim Bogrim together. And often there are added a good number of people who are not Shomrim at all. I find it hard to see just what ac-tivities these groups can carry on in common. Certainly not Sichot, nor Tiyulim, nor Tzofiut, nor even morning exercises. Can we hope to at-tain any sort of atmosphere, any kind of signific-ant development when we have so great a diver-sity of mental and physical ability? Our own ex-perience as Menahalim and every theory of educa-tion show us how harmful such a procedure can become. We must decide absolutely that each Moshavah be confined to Shomrim of the same age level (separate Shchavot). We cannot have hodge-podge Moshavot.
2. Bigger Is Not Better
Menahalim make good intensive drives to get everybody out to the Moshavah. But that does not mean that everybody who decides to go to the Moshavah must go to the same place. Moshavot of 150 people are much too large. From the standpoint of technical details it is usually difficult to carry out smoothly a Moshava of this size. But more important, in such a Moshava each in-dividual feels himself lost in so large a mass with no individuality and no responsibility for the Mo-shava. Certainly he can receive no individual at-tention. And again we have an undesirable and an unhealthy situation. If we really mean to ac-complish something in our Moshavot, then we must limit them to a size between 60 and 80 people.
3. Variety
Many Menahalim are disappointed because their Kvutzot do not go out to the Moshava, the third and fourth time, with the same enthusiasm that marked their first Moshava. This is easily explained. We cannot expect too great enthusi-asm when year in, year out, we send Shomrim to the same type of Moshava. They knotv it all, and find very few new activities to interest them. In order to overcome such a condition, we must make it a rule that Shomrim do not attend more than two consecutive Moshavot of the same kind. The plan should run as follows: Two Moshavot Bnei Midbar, two Moshavot Tzofim (Tzeirim and Benonim), a Moshava Nodedet (consisting main-ly of long Tiyulim alternating with days of rest)
ranks. And so we spent the second half of the year in intensifying our educational work and in creating a more serious Shorner atmosphere. Because of this the Moatzah was able to hear reports from most of the Kinim that had established themselves quite well, and this spirit of stability was evident in all discussions of the problems facing the Moatzah. The problem of the Boger in the movement naturally took up a great part of the discussion. Perhaps this Moatzah will have to its credit that a way out was found by the many suggestions that were heard at the Moatzah. The Bogrim, especially the younger ones, re-turned to their Kinim feeling that the framework for in-dependent activity in this Shichvah should at once be es-tablished. There is no doubt that this Moatzah stimulated the Bogrim to find new fields for activity and a stronger position in the movement.
In the discussion of the problem of the Boger, in the re-view of the educational material brought to the Moatzah, in the general summing up of the work of the past year and the planning of the work in the future, the Moatzah reached a high level and certainly fulfilled its mission.
Moshe Bloomstone
MOSHAVOT
Satisfaction
If I were to distinguish between ordinary camps and Moshavot in one word, I would say, “Satis-faction." Camps do all in their power to satisfy their customers; in Moshavot the menahalim must also be satisfied.
The work of a camp has been well done if the campers have had a comfortable, pleasant and en-joyable time. A Moshava succeeds only when to-gether with the enjoyment we combine definite educational aims, when activity is not just a means of taking up time, but a step towards developing those Shorner traits which are at the base of our whole educational process. The Moshava must be felt as a significant period in the life of each Shorner, a period when he feels that together with his Kvutza he is learning and living the Shorner way.
And yet, we must admit that most Menahalim are satisfied when they can say about a Moshava that “there was activity all the time" or that “the Shomrim went home with a good feeling." Such standards are dangerous since they rob the Mosh-avot of real value; they make of the Moshava just another Summer Camp.
But under the conditions that prevailed in pre-vious Moshavot, no more could have been done. It was achievement enough to send Shomrim home satisfied; Menahalim could not hope for much more. And now we must ask “What were those conditions?" and “What can we do to com-bat them?" Let us consider each one in turn.
1. Hodge-Podge Moshavot
Throughout the year in the city, it is taken for granted that we divide Shomrim into Kvutzot and
Has homer Hatzair
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B. Preparation of the Kvutza
Shomrim often come out to the Moshava total-ly unprepared. Many of them do not bring ade-quate clothing and personal supplies and are very uncomfortable for this reason during the Mosha-va. Still more do not bring with them the neces-sary equipment for the activities for the Moshava (rope, whistle, knife, etc.) and so many important things have to be omitted for want of sufficient material. In order to avoid this, a special sicha of the Kvutza or Gdud must be called which will be devoted to the Moshava and to an explanation of what preparations have to be made by the Kvutza or the Gdud.
C. Preparation by the M’nahel
M’nahalim have felt that it was enough to pre-pare the Sichot of the Moshava and to take care of the other activities when they arise during the days of the Moshava. It is true that one cannot follow exactly a program which has been prepared in the city. Certainly Tochniot have to be elastic. But elasticity can be achieved only when every hour of every day of the Moshava is planned in advance, so that changes can be made easily when necessary. Sichot are important, but there are many more important parts of the Moshava. The rainy day, the hour before bed-time, the spe-cial days, the evenings—these must be prepared even more carefully than the Sichot. It is these situations which demand alertness and readiness from the M’nahel. This can be achieved only when the Hanhala of each Moshava meets regu-larly for several weeks before the Moshava to make the necessary plans.
Summary
M’nahalim!
Set out to “satisfy" yourselves at the Moshava and the results will be satisfactory for all con-
cerned• Mosi-ie Eisen
and then Moshevet Avoda (consisting of a half day of work and a half day of ordinary Moshava activities). The same rule applies to Moshevet Menahalim. Unless we carry this scheme into ef-feet we are going to find the law of diminishing enthusiasm operating among our Shomrim.
4. Tzofiut
A good deal has been said often enough about the great importance of Tzofiut in general and of the special value of the Moshava in teaching and using this important phase of our educational pro-gram. A good deal has been said but very little has been done. And this has been due more than anything else to the lack of Alenahalim efficiently trained to teach Tzofiut. Even in those places where Tzofiut was taught during a Moshava, it was not carried back to the city, and was soon neg-lected and forgotten. Such a situation can be re-medied only if we have people who really know scoutcraft thoroughly. And when we haven’t such people let us hire them, if necessary. Espec-!ally is this important for Moshevet Menahalim. For in this way only will we guarantee good scout work in the Moshava and a continuation of the same good work after the Moshava.
5. “Be Prepared!"
Many Moshavot have been unsuccessful be-cause they were not well prepared. Three differ-ent kinds of preparation must be made.
A. Technical Perfection.
This includes first of all provision of sufficient equipment (cots, tents, dishes, tools, etc.) before the Moshava starts. And then assurance of nutri-tious meals prepared on time. In order to achieve these things, a special Vaad must be selected at least a month before the Moshava opens, whose duty it will be to take care of all technical matters that may arise within the Moshava.
דער יערלאכער בלומען טאג פון געווערקשאפטן קאמפיין
פארן אובייטענדן אח ישראל
וועט פארקומען איבער'ן גאנצען
שבת אנענד און זונטאג דעם 1 טען און 2טען מאי
אלע חברים פון השומר הצעיר וועלען זיפער זיין אין די פאדערשטע רייהען און געפען זייער פולפטע מיטהילןז פאר'ן דערפאלג פון בלומען-טאג און פון מגבית בכלל.
לעבודה!
31
May, 1937
היישוב הישן. במושבות — בועזים יהודים עם עבודה זולה. בלי גג מעל ראשינו, עם אהלים נודדים התחלנו לסלול כבישים. את פנינו קבלו המאורעות של 1921־1920, והגזרות הפוליטיות הראשונות, הכלולות בספר הלבן של צ'רצ'יל. רבים מהדור הראשון של השומר הצעיר בארץ לא עמדו בנסיון בימי מיבחן הראשונים, אולם אנו המשכנו והגענו עד הלום. המולדת הארצישראלית על כמעט חצי מיליון תושביה היהודים עומדת על נפשה, אולם היא חיה וקיימת והיא נבנית ומתבצרת בין אם בימי גאות ובין אם בשעת חירום.
על סדן הצרה היהודית הננו מנגדים את מפעל השחרור.
על סד! הפרעות של קישינוב נוגדה העליה השניה ופרצה שירתו של ביאליק. על סדן צרות ישראל במלחמת העולם ולאחריה נוגדה העליה השלישית לאחר המלחמה. והנה שוב באו ימי פורענות בארץ ובגולה. ואל תרפינה ידינו. כגודל הסבל והמצוקה, כן יגדל המרד נגד הגולה וכן יצמחו מפעל ושירת השחרור הלאומי והסוציאלי.
אלה הם חיינו ואורך ימינו. עם עתיק יומין אנחנו. דרך עלילות דם, גזרות ת"ח, הכתב הצהוב, מסי רשעים על נרות של ערב שבת, שמות גנאי והיתול של הקיסר פרנץ יוסח, תחום המושב, חטיפת ילדי ישראל לחיילות של הצאר ניקולי — דרך כל אלה צעדנו. וכל אלה היו כור היתוך לחפץ החיים האדיר, לשאיפת הקוממיות ולשאיפות השחרור הלאומי והסוציאלי של ההמונים היהודים.
ממעינות אלה שאב השומר הצעיר. והננו אמונה, שהמיבחן המר הפוקד אותנו כעת יפתח דך חדש של צמיחה והעפלה בתולדות תנועתנו.
בשעת חירום חל יובל העשור של תנועתנו. ודוקא בימים
האלה מזעיק הועד הפועל של הקבוץ הארצי את רבבות השומרים באשר הם שם להעפלה המחודשת. לדור הנוכחי של תנועתנו ניתנו אפשרויות וסיכויים, אשר הפרו לדור הראשון משנת 1920. לשוטרים ולשומרות בכל הארצות הכינונו אשיות מולדת. כל קבוץ מצפה לקליטת חברים נוספים. כל מפעל שלנו משווע לידים נוספות. מדן ועד באר שבע פזורות נקודותינו כמבצרים. המפעל משתכלל מדי יום ביומו. המפעלים והפעולות של תנועתנו בארץ משתלבים לשלמות אורגנית וצבת בצבת עשויה.
התנועה בארץ תובעת היום יתר יכולת נפשית, ידיעה מקצועית, ציוד תרבותי, כשרון בניה ועמידה במלחמה. הארץ תובעת מבל איש בתנועה הכשרה עמוקה. התנועה היא זרם חי ומתחדש. כל איש נוסך מביא אתו לבנים נוספות. לא לבד לנאמנות בשאיפה תובעת היום תנועתנו, אלא הכשרה, אמון והצטיידות.
השחיה שלנו נגד הזרם דורשת לא לבד חולמים ולוחמים,
אלא עמל מאומן, הגברת הצופיות וכושר ההתגוננות, זיקה עמוקה אל סבל ההמונים היהודים.
למרר עקשני נגד הגולה.
לשירת היצירה והמלחמה,
להליכה סולידרית עם כל כוחות השחרור באנושיות ובתנועת הפועלים.
הננו קוראים את רבבות תנועתנו לרגלי יובל העשור.
חזק ואמץ!
בשם הועד הפועל של הקבוץ הארצי (—) מאיר יערי
al settlers for which PICA is responsible. I can fully appreciate the differences. Your 33 com-munes with their 3,500 members, and your 60,-000 followers outside of Palestine I consider as ,great achievements.
Let It Be A Socialist Zionism
I was once a Christian minister, and a Social-ist at the same time. People called me a Chris-tian Socialist. I corrected, no, a Socialist, with-out qualifications. The same may be said about Zionism. I do not care about the qualifications of Zionism, but I can see the positive aspects of proletarian Zionism. I must admit that since my visit to this country, I have begun to appreciate the Zionist side of your work as I never appre-ciated it formerly. The nations of the world are responsible for Zionism. The Jewish workers accepted the invitation and said, rightly so, if it is going to be Zionism, let it be a Socialist Zion-ism. I have been greatly impressed by the won-derful achievements of the Jewish comrades here, of your courage, of your constructive cap-abilities. I am not even going to extend sym-pathy to you in your struggle. I think you do not need any sympathy. You can meet all the difficulties yourselves. I can promise that in whatever way I shall be able to assist you, I, like Comrade McGovern promise to do so, upon our return to England."
(Continued from page 26)
Capitalism is everywhere the same, and we must break the power of Britain in Palestine, India, and Africa. Britain is living on the ill-gotten gains of exploited workers in other countries, and it is this evil which we must destroy.
United Front Against Imperialism
I am delighted to be here. I am prepared to learn of the devotion, of the troubles and dangers which you face. Your task is to carry on your class struggle and to establish working class unity. In spite of your chairman’s objec-tion to slogans, I would suggest to you the slogan of unity; unity not of the sham kind, but unity of class struggle as an alternative to the opportunism of social democracy. Form a united front to smash capitalism and imperialism!
I thank you for the pleasure I had in meeting you, and I assure you that I shall report your achievements to my party, and that I shall recom-mend changes in those problems which I have learned to view differently during my present visit."
Stephens: “Comrade Chairman and Com-rades: I would fully like to join McGovern in expressing my grati-tude for the opportunity of being here at this meeting. We have seen your settlements and we have also seen some of the work of individu-
Hashomek Hatzair
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דבר הקבוץ הארצי לתנועה
אל כל חברי תנועתנו באשר הם שם !
נמלאו עשר השנים הראשונות לקיומו של הקבוץ הארצי.
250 הברים של 4 קבוצים עמדו על יד עריסתו, 3500 חברים ב־33 קבוצים וב־12 גרעינים לקבוצים חדשים -— מאורננים בקרבו כיום. משך אותן עשרת השנים גדל הקבוץ הארצי פי־14. פועלים שכירים, בלי משען משקי היינו אז. 14 משקים חקלאיים, בין אם מבוססים, בין אם מתבססים ובין אם עולים על הקרקע בימי הרום אלה — הננו מונים כעת.
שכבה צעירה ואחידה של 250 חברים מפולין, גליציה ורומניה הניחו יסוד לתנועה בארץ. כיום בנוי הקבוץ הארצי על פי כל הסולם של גילים ומכל הארצות בהן פועלת תנועתנו בגולה. נתברכנו בקבוצים מתוך התנועה באמריקה, צ'כיה, ליטא, בולגריה, יוגוסלביה, הונגריה, גרמניה, ארץ ישראל ובו'. ריכוזים מיוחדים מתהוים מתוך התנועות בבלגיה, שווייצריה ואפילו מארגנטינה. סביבנו הומה ושוקקת תנועת הנוער של השומר הצעיר בארץ, הגדלה בקצב קדחתני והיא כבר כיום צועדת בראש תנועת הנוער של א"י העוברת בארצנו. היא חותרת לקראת האלה השני בצעדים מאוששים ומקימה מדי שנה בשנה קבוצים למופת.
בקרב תנועת הנוער הארצישראלית שלנו מאורגנים גם ילדי הקבוצים של חברת הילדים במשמר העמק. ילדינו השמיעו בימים אלה את קולם, את הגיגיהם ומאוייהם, את שיריהם ומחשבותיהם. השי היקר ביותר שיכולנו לתת לתנועתנו בגולה לרגלי יובל עשור זה, הרי היא החוברת "ביער שלנו", אשר הוצאה לאור על ידי הקרן הקימת לישראל וההנהגה העליונה ובה — שיר החיים של ילדי קבוצי השומר הצעיר, המתמזג עם צמיחת כל חי, עם המית זכרונות קדומים, עם עמידת הישוב על נפשו, עם הכמיהה הזכה למחר יותר טוב, לעם, למעמר ולשלום בין העמים.
התחלנו בביולטין הקטוגרפי וכיום הננו מוציאים בארץ ובגולה עתונות וספרות מקורית ובכל מיני שפות, המרכזת סביבה רבבות קוראים מבית ומבחוץ.
התחלנו את עבודתנו במשכן נודד עם מכונת כתיבה,
אשר נרדה מקבוץ לקבוץ ומידי מזכיר אחר למשנהו. כיום מגיע לידי סיומו הבנין של בית התנועה, המוקם במאמצי התנדבות בכסף ובעבורה של כל הקבוץ הארצי והוא יכיל בקרבו בית דפוס שיהיה לבית היוצר הרוחני של כל התנועה בארץ ובגולה, הוא יכיל בתוכו את הארכיון של התנועה העולמית ושל הקבוץ הארצי מימי תסיסת הנוער בסוף המלחמה העולמית, דרך ביתניה עילית, תקופת כיבוש הכבישים, דרך כל המיבחנים של הסתגלות לאדמת המולדת, דרך יסוד התנועה העולמית והקבוץ הארצי, מסע הכיבוש ב־23 ארצות, תמרורי דרך אידיאולוגיים, יצירה משקית ענפה, הדירה אקטיבית לתוך ציבור הפועלים, עד למפעל ההעפלה של הכיבוש החלוצי וההגנה על היישוב שבעלית "תל עמל" ו"עין הקורא".
הבנין יכיל בתוכו את הקרן המרכזית לשיתוף כלכלי ומשקי של כל קבוצינו, את המזכירות, את מחלקת ההנהגה העליונה, את המערכת של עתונותנו בארץ ואת הנהלת הדפום.
בית התנועה יתנוסס בין הררי נפתלי ובי! הרי אפרים והגלבוע, בלב העמק, בתוך שפע של ירק, עמל ויצירה, באותה המרחביה, אשר מסמלת את שרשרת ההתאבקות של תנועת הפועלים בארץ מימי הגבורה של "השומר" עד לימי מלחמה ויצירה של השומר הצעיר.
גם זהו סימן של שחיה נגד הזרם. לא הקימונו משרד פוליטי באיזו פינת רחוב שבתל־אביב, אלא דוקא בעמק.
ההליכה לכפר היא בארצנו הליכה אבנגרדית ולא בכדי הננו נושאים מכאן אה דברינו לציבור הפועלים כולו.
חברים יקרים !
לגבי נצח ואין־סוף אלף שנים הן כהרף עי! ואף בעיני לוחם הגשמת מפעל שחרור לאומי וסוציאלי, עשר שנות יצירה ומלחמה, כמה מהר ינקופו, יחלופו, יגוזו ...
ארוכות הן, מלאות מתיחות ואי סבלנות שנות תסיסה של נוער המתעתד לקפיצה נחשונית ומתכונן להצטרפות אל מחנה הלוחמים והיוצרים. אולם היש מהר עוברות השנים העמלות של הלוחמים והיוצרים עצמם. רק כל יום אפור על היסוסיו, על סימני השאלה, על סכנותיו ומיבחניו, הוא ארוך. אולם אם יחלופו עשר שנים ונעמוד מריצה לקראת מטרה רחוקה, כדי לסכם סיכום מה את כברת דרך חיינו, אשר מאחורינו, הרינו נדהמים וחוגגים לראות במו עינינו, איזה מפעל גדול השתזר מאלפי ימי עמל ואיזו התחלה מוצקה רומזת לקראת עתירות.
בימי זעם ובשעת חירום חל יובל העשור של הקבוץ הארצי.
המותר לנו לחוג בשעה זו ?
הנה דרכינו אבלות וזרועות חללים. המסיתים והכנופיות מתנקשים בלב היישוב. לאור היום נשדדים עדרי צאן ובקר. הארץ מלאה חמם ושוד. היישוב עומד על נפשו; מעל לראשינו מתהפכת החרב של גזרות פוליטיות, שערי העליה סגורים למחצה. מכום התמרורים הזאת של מאורעות והתנקשוית הננו שותים זה שנה שלמה ואל חומות היישוב התנפצו עדיין כל המזימות.
הכפר והעיר משוועים לידים עובדות, להצלת עבודה בפרדסים מתגייסים תלמידים, פועלי עיר, איכרים ובניהם. הנוער בגולה הוא במצור. כוחות השחור בעולם חברו יחדיו ומזויינים עד לצואר מסתערים על כיבושי הפועל ועל סיכויי השחרור של האנושיות, שמים כבלים, מצור ואוירת דמים על הארצות. הקרבנות הראשונים של מסע הצלב הפשיסטי הזה הם ההמונים היהודיים. גזרות גטו, נישול כלכלי, גירוש המוני והשפלה מוסרית — הם מעשי יום־יום. מגרמניה ההיטלריסטית יצאה הרעה והיא מתפשטת והולכת.
האם, איפוא, מותר לנו לעשות חגים ויובלות?
מותר לנו, חברים!
כי הנה נזכור באיזה מסיבות נרקמה רקמת היצירה הראשונה של השומר הצעיר. במרתפי פליטים בוינה התחלנו. התכנסנו בנכר ונרות הדלקנו. לאור הנרות הללו פתחנו את מגילת העוני, הכמיהות והחלומות של מנדלי, פרץ, ואנסקי. משם דלינו פנינים של צחוק רווי תוגה, ממרתפי וינה פרצנו אל היערות מסביב, יישרנו את גבנו וחלטנו את חלום הקבוצה, החלוץ, ההגנה, הגליל, השומר, והשומר הצעיר. כוח עצום שאבנו מההזדהות העמוקה עם הצרה היהודית.
משהתפזרנו מוינה על פני הערים והעירות של פולין, גליציה ורומניה נתנו לכל איש נם ולפיד בידו וכל איש נהיה לבשורה למאות. אלה היו ימי ההתחלה של תנועתנו. לא חיים אידיליים של נוער משתעשע היו אז מנת חלקנו. שבנו לעירות פולין, גליציה ורומניה בימי הפרעות על היהודים, אשר ליוו את ימי האביב של העמים המשוחררים והבינונו מעל הגגות של משכנות ישראל על חיי ישראל.
עלינו ארצה שבועים אחרי מותו של טרומפלרור. לא ניתנה לנו מולדת מן המוכן. 60 אלף יהודים היו אז בארץ. רובם מן
משא דור
לעמלי בל האטים בכל הדורות -

משא דור!
מגבהי מגרדי שחקים

על טרסמיסיות הרדיו אלי רחבי תבל -משא דור:
לעמלי בתי חרשת ולמתים בזעה

חיק אדמה,

לקבורי חצי שנותם במכרות פחם

ולכות זהב בכוכי־מאפליה -

משא דור!
לשואפי צל הנתונים בחסות המגלב,

שבידי "אבירי" המאה העשירים,

בשדות מטעי טבק וצמר גפן, על גדות קונגו ועל חופי הגנגס -משא דור!
להודו ולסין שטופי דמים ומזי רעב,

ולקרבות אחים בארץ עלות השמש משא דרור ינשא

וחזון נחם:
ב"ימי הדמע המתלעים אניות המגן תרדנה מצולות וקובעי העשת לא יברקו בקךני שמשכם העולה! אוירוני הפצצות - יתפוצצו בצוקי פסגות הרי, המליה ובנהרות דמכם תשלשל עגנה אנית שחרורכם - ועל תרניה

דגל טבול דמים, יתבדר -לכל העמים באשר הם נחתים

ינשא חזון גאולה -נאם הדור!...

משה טייטלמן.
השומר
הצעיר
עתון הנוער היהודי באמריקה
מוצא ע"י ההנהגה הראשית של הסתדרות "השומר הצעיר" באמריקהMARCH 1947.
STRUGGLE AGAINST TERRORISM
FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE COMMUNAL
SETTLEMENTS
*
CHALUTZIUT IN MEXICO
PUBLISHED BY HECHALUTZ B'ANGLIA
דבר
החלוץ
D’VAR HECHALUTZ
CONTENTS
Page
FACTS AND OPINIONS
Struggle Against Terrorism .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1
Social Analysis of the Revisionists .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 5
Declaration of the Vaad HaPoel .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 11
EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS IN THE KIBBUTZ
Second Generation in the Kibbutz................................ 12
Secondary Education in the Kibbutz .. .. .. .. .. .. 17
FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE COMMUNAL SETTLEMENTS
Fears for the Future .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 21
Wireless Sets in the Kibbutz .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 24
The Proper Place for the Children .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 25
Life of the “ Grandparents " .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 27
LETTERS FROM CHAVERIM
Impressions on Mining. .. .. . .. .. .. .. 29
Chalutziut in Mexico .. . .....................................32
HECHALUTZ B’ANGLIA Organisation of Jewish Pioneers for Palestine Bloomsbury House, Bloomsbury Street, London, W.C.l Telephone : !Museum 6811
1
STRYCCLE
ACAINST
TERRORISM
The latost acts of the dissidont bodies, both thoso dosignod against the authorities and those dosignod against the Yisliuv, roborios, boycotting, terror!sation, otc., compol all of us to think clearly and purposofully about a mothod of comb atting torror.
A method which should bo so designed as to drain the sources of their existence, without satisfying the desire of the authorities for a fratricidal war within the Yishuv.
Ono thing should bo clear and agrood upon: we can no longor be content with exclamations of condemnation alone, while at the same time standing aside passively.
The Petach Tikva incident showed up more clearly than ovor the danger which threatons from thoso groups in the field of internal relations within the Yishuv. the exploitation of mombors of a terrorist organisation in a labour conflict as an instrument of war against the organisod working classes, again proved that wo wore justified in saying repeatedly that theso organisations, which claim "udiluted nationalism" aro, in the very osscnco of their conceptions and oxistonco, anti-labour organisations who look for public support and social sources of further recruitment to certain class forcos within the Yishuv, which are in practico not only anti-labour, but also ant i-Zio..lst.
I
Tlioro is roason to boliovo that the Government is intorasbad, not so much in the terrorist organisations coasing to exist, b.ut rather in their ceasing activities against the Govornmont. From various considorations of its general policy and. its habitual attitude towards the Yisliuv, the Govornmont would not scruplo to malco uso of a "roup "competing" with, the rocognisod institutions of the Yishuv, and thrortoning to break national discipline and national organisation in general.
The Govornmont had many opportunities to harm seriously the terrorist organisations and thoir supportors, but has it roally ovor waged a determined and protracted struggle in ordoy to uproot thorn? Tho Government was gonorally content with soft :lows as a reaction to anti-British torror, and ovon whon the authorities ',ore able to break thoso groups, they stoopod the struggle at the docisivo momont, when the dissidont groups woro on the vorgo of dofoat.
Thoro aro also many ca.sos whon the Govornmont troatod thorn with
2
volvet gloves and at a time, when they were --by no means "neutral" towards the Histadrut and the 1abour settlements. This was particular' ly obvious in Labour conflicts when the Government, almost openly, took the side of those factors, which in practice serve as the support of the terrorist movomonts. No verbal condemnation or gestures of repudiation will hide the fact that the dissidont orginsations find support, both material and spiritual, among the right-wing circles in the Yishuv. The behaviour of these circlos toward the terrorists is most equivocal and two-facod; to the outside, in the press and in explanations to the Government, they protend to bo bitter op orient s while, whon those bodies aro threatened with extinction, they save them by open and voided intervention, This has happened time and again in recent years and shows up clearly the truo approach of certain right-wing circlos, which has its foundation in their class character.
There aro serious forces within the Yishuv which aro sincoroly interested in the disbandment of the terrorists organisation, thoy are the labour movement and the progressiva sections of the middle class. However, those forcos find thomsolvcs in 0. very tragic position; the demand coming from the legislators and oxocutors of the White Papor Rogimo, for the dissolution of the terrorists, is voiced at a time of bitter and fatoful strugglo ovor the future of the Jewish people and its ontorpriso in Palestine, They, who voice this demand, are not really interested in the extinction of terror, but ro rather concerned with the disbandment of all f ictors who obstruct them dominating the Yishuv effectively. This object tho Government intends to achieve by sotting ono part of the Yishuv against the other, The aim of the Government is, then, the moral and concrete! disbandment of the autonomous organisation of the Yishuv and to proparo the ground for mutual acts of rovongo which must bring in its wake a fratricidal war, which in turn can havo but ono־ result; tho disbandment of Yishuv forcos and of its pover of resistance.
Tho demand for a war by the Yishuv on the terrorist organisations, comes at a. time, whon, for. various reasons, thoro has boon a pauso in the activo strugglo of the Yishuv, It is a timo whon our Maapilim are forcibly deported from the shores of our homoland, in which thoro ropoatodly occurs acts of violonco against the olomontary rights of the Jaws in Palestine, a time whon there is no porspootivo of any positivo solution to our main problem, the continuation of immigration, and our ontorpriso in gonoral. In the absonco of all those, thoro is ono factor which is intcrostod in ono "active" foaturo being maintained in the Yishuv, naraoly, a fratricidal war with all the terrible consaquoncos it must noods ontail.
A further olomont, in the array of circumstancos aggravating our prosont situation, is the fact that the Yishuv neither Irishes, nor is abla to adopt the methods or moans which the terrorists havo used, especially in rocont timos. Thoir mothods of work tostify to a
comp] :te lack cf any sense of public responsibility, to lawlessnes, which threatened the security of Jewish settlements. The political and practical purpose of the actions in Tel Aviv (Beth Hadar) and Hadora is very doubtful, but thoy care a diroct throat to the Jews, and opon tho way to violonco. These actions, to which must bo added the various "requisitionings", the throat to schools, and the attempts at foreib10 domination of .Yishuv factors, opon the way to lawless banditry, robbery and insult. Thoy increasc disorder in the Yishuv, undomino its security and assurance, as,well as its ability for independent action.
Wo cannot, therefore, avoid giving an answer, which, naturally, must be arrived at after-thorough consideration of all the dangers involved in being forced into fratricidal war, as woll as the need to stop the acts of violonco which throaton the security of the Yishuv and its capacity for struggle and work.
There are a fow fundamental submissions concerning the planning of the strugglo against torror:-
Firstly, because of the considorations outlined above, the Yishuv must neb embark on any action which contains own an blament of co-operation with the AUTHORITIES. Tho Yishuv can and should" take moasuros to fIrish the malady - or, at loast, to' reduce it - which aro based on its own power of influence and action. Collaboration ־with the Government involves, not only the dangers described above, it also prepares the ground for informers, traitors, otc., which may woll rebound on the organised Yishuv itself later.
Secondly, the war on the terrorists must be waged by the ontiro public. For this purpose, wo must first and foromost summon public opinion in all its sections in order to establish a bolt of com.plote isolation around the dissident groups. As long as thoy are not placed in a position of concrete isolation, thoro can be no concrete war against them. To our regret, they are no longer isolated but are being supported directly or xadireptly by certain circles within the Yishuv. Special propaganda and organisation must be conducted among those sections of the Yishuv from which they draw most of their human material. Is thoro any social or national justification in the fact that, particularly the exploit ad and working classes are the main human basis for these organisations? The institutions of the Yishuv, and above all the HistadrUt, aro .called upon to draw serious attention to this fact, and take suitable measures for serious activities among these communities so as to bring them within the organised and concious sootion of the Yishuv. It must be admitted, that we have done too little for thoir enlightenment and education, and that wa thus loft them opon to the terrorist forcos to oxploit criminally as "cannon fodder".
Thirdly: re-establishmont of the intornal security of the Yishuv, stoppage of acts of violenco and terror. Tho Yishuv must, with its forces, defend Jewish life and maintain the security of the Jewish sottlcmoht.
4
The organised Yishuv must regain its authority over the Jev-in-tho-strodt, it must regain its indopondonco which has heon sovoroly injurod by tho actions of the dissidents within the Yishuv. We must stop the growth of
lawlessness, and the domination of bruto violonce within the Yishuv which bring with thorn the very roal danger of thoso minority organisations, beginning to dictate the mothods and ways of Zionist and'Yishuv policy.
If the forces of the Yishuv aro brought into play against terrorism, we shall be able to put it down without running the rislc of a war from which the Yishuv can derive no benefit, though we know that this is but a temporary and partial panancoa, and that the way towards the uprooting of terrorism from its vary roots is organised, protracted resistance of the Yishuv on mas so against the Government. A further advantago of energetic public reaction is that it is likely to provont, if not all, at least a largo part of the human material from which the terrorist groups draw their manpower,- from continuing thoir destructive way.
Lot the Yishuv close its ranks for a serious struggle against tho dissident groups out of a. recognition of the task, sovoro caution ovor the ways and moans, and a cloar understanding that a danger to the indo-pond nco and liborty of the Yishuv threatons from onomios attacking us from the outside, and from the wrockors lurking at homo. Lot us closo our ranks for an indopondont struggle designed to uproot the ill, to cut off its sources of growth, to re-establish our internal security, and to strengthen the independence of the Yishuv and its democratic institutions.
Continued from page 11
The workers, and the Yishuv as a whole, vohomontly rojoct evory attempt to broak their spirit and to sap their strength of rosistanco by punitive expeditions diroctod against the whole Yishuv. There can only bo one intention bohind the imposition of martial law. To causo groat suffering to the Jewish Yishuv in order to undormino its arronaous position, and it is likoly to incroaso the political dangors and to doopan the gulf in the rotations of the pooplos.
Tho Vaad Hapool of the Histadrut turns to Workers' Organisations all over the world with the urgent demand that they should make every effort to prevent the imposition of martial law in Palestine.
The Yaad Hapool calls to the working class and the whole Yishuv to a firm and consolidated stand against all future dangers.
5.■
Tho Stern Gang and the Irgun Zvai Loumi (Et zgI) aro not yostorday’s children. TiiGy havo a past, they havo paronts. They themsalvos proclaim from thoir wall-posters that Jabotiiisicy has boon the "Prephot of our generation" and that from him they havo learnt the theory of "existence and rebellion". At the same time thoy havo chosen to com-ouflagc thoir true character, thoy havo triad to conconl their traces. "Wo are Fascists?" thoy ask. "We hato the workers? We aro inciting war against the Arabs? - Not at all, Our ,aim is only to romovo all obstacles from the path loading to the realization of Zionism and to show the way to the freedom of the Jewish poonla".
Lot us, thoroforo, examine thoir viows and sao what thoy really moan. Lot us reveal the tracos. For only a comprohonsivo inquiry can give us a cloar idea from whoro the terrorists come and for where they aro heading.
Steel and the Stern Gang germinated in the fold of Revisionism.
But Revisionism is nothing but the Jewish manifestation of Fascism in gonoral. During the boom period its sole aim and contont had boon, to attack the Jewish working class and its Chalutaic way of realizing Zionism. Revisionism developed stage by stage; it took shapo in accordance with universal developments in the world on ono hand, and with the development within the Jewish community on the othor.
It is intarosting that as early as 1920, concerning Jabotinsky's attitudo towards the dofonco of Tel Chai, J. Ch. Bronnor wrote on the future dovolopmont of Revisionism:
"Thero is a certain very onorgotic correspondent, who continually proclaims the need for groat achiovomonts, a grandiose foreign policy, a demand for a State with wide frontiers, colonization steps of a kind taken from elsewhere, the creation of an army with all its attributes, dreams of bloodshed, etc.
"It seems to bo the method of this journalist to increase tho dosiro for mechanical actions and oxtornal victorios rather than tho internal ovoryday spadework in the soil of lifo. In his writings this writer favours strong mothods - in the Yishuv he wants ignorant, unskilled labourers'under strong military discipline, existing on meagro wages just sufficient to keep thorn alive and to prosorvo thoir
SOCIAL ANALYSIS



OF THE REVISIONISTS
"political" usefulness. His oxtcmal policy is onooaf proud.goaturos, bombs and the rattling of swords."
Tho social procossos
In order to transform tho idoas of the correspondent into tho points of a political programme, certain social procossos wero necessary, and those were not long in coming. !after the first world war the whole Zionist movomont boro a progressive character. Chalutsiut, social progress, poacc and co-oporation with the Arab poople, woro inscrihod on its "banners. Tho revolutionary wavo which passed over Europe, exerted its influonco, With the decline of the "boom, however, with
the isolation of the Soviot Union and the consolidation of capitalism, a violently rightward development "began. Thu conservative forces which had previously quitted the stage, reappearod. In the majority of the countries of Europe, "bourgois, "strong-arm" governments prepared ־ thornselves, At the same time, the call was also sounded within the Zionist movement: "To the right! Towards Revision. Lot us have a ohai "0 of values!" But what does this mean? It means, Palestine without "socialist fantasies." Upbuilding according to the sound method - the capitalistic one of Capital, Profit and Exploitation.
Jahotinsky, the founder of Revisionism, mounted the platform.
He elaborated the theory of the healthy, sound method. The neutrality which he had promised to observe towards "Ein Hared" and "Richon le Zion" quickly gave place to the attack on the ideas of chalutziut. He ra.isod the flag of the bourgois class, "I shall stand at every lamp-post in Jerusalem," he cried, "and Shout; ’I am a bourgois'." Ho coined the slogan of "ond-ziol" end thus ombittorod the lifo of tho whole Zionist rnovomont.
Gradually an idea omergod which was similar to the gonoral Europoan idoas. Tho Nazi and Fascist ideologies had boon Croatod aftor tho first world war, In ordor to assumo a concrete shapo they nood certain conditions. Tho world crisis, which began to shako the pillars of German capitalism, led to a storm of the unemployed and distressed masses on the one hand and to an awakening of the proportiod classes on the othor.
Two difforont procossos, of various kind and character, combined and holpod to produco the boom of Revisionism! the impovorisnmem; of the golah at the tirno of the groat world' crisis, and the ostablishmont of a Jawish bourgois class in Palestine. Tho restrictions on all yah, the disappointment with the policy of the mandatory Govornmont, tho objective difficulties in the realization of Zionism, all tlioso woro oxploitod by Jahotinsky and Revisionism. Instead of tollih, the masses the truth, instoad of showing thorn a way out, he misload then.
Ho called to thorn pointing to-the! workors: "Those arc your onomios who aro rosponsiblo for the .restrictions of aliyah, for the limit-ation of possibilitios. Thoy hold in their hands the certificates !"
7
On the other hand, the process of the capitalization of Palestino gained momentum, A class of citrus planters established itself. The need for cheap, un-organized labour increased. The good days began for the Revisionist movement. The evil intentions which Bronnor had foreseen became reality; the dreams of exploitation and serfdom found fertile soil. Jewish Fascism had found a field of action.
Within the Zionist,movement the process which had occurred all over the world, repeated itsolf with roncvraci intensity. As soon as Jabotinsky began to raiso the banner of class struggle the Jewish, bourgoisia flocked -behind him. Tho planters, the circlo of property owners, the succulents of the towns regarded Revisionism as the saviour. The progress of Fascism in the world added to it daring and impudence.
At one of the congresses, Jabot insky's deputy turned to the workers and exclaimed; "Don't praise yourselves for your strongth. There was a mighty workers' movomont in Germany and yet it was reduced to dust and ruins overnight." Satisfaction about this disaster poured from his every word; his class hatred blinded him complotoly,
Fragments of a programme.
What did the leader himself proclaim. Of the Histadrut no declared:
"This malignant cancer on tha body of the Yishuv which calls itsolf Histadrut -and which fattens itsolf upon the charity of the citizens, is spreading more and more and will presently strangle ovorything alive in Zionism. Anyone who doos not wish to bo strangled and reuses opposition, will bo attacked by every moans of force; the rule of the Loft will load to a war of anivos and so far there is not oven any guarantee that they will stop at using cola weapons."
And what did ho say about strikes?
"As a right thinking man, I romovo the moral stain from the word strike-breaker, here in Palestine. This will affect our chaverim, if ;and when the Histadrut proclaims a strike. The independence of tho ,Now Revisionist Zionist Organisation' will oxort itsolf, firstly, in casos whore the Histadrut calls a striko, and whon the national workers will not soo thorns01vos obliged to participato."
Hityashvut, settlement, ho replaced by "colonization," this colonization was to be regarded as a military operation, denying froodom to everyone, except ho who had 0. task to fulfil. In a war all values change; the soldier knows no freedom and no athios except the laws of war - except the' laws of colonization. At the tirno of colonization there is no justice, no law and no God in Heaven. But, the one who fulfils his task in thi,s colonization is, of course, not the worker but the initiator and organjzor,
*
Tho spirit of the times was, apparently, strong enough to cross
8
the seas, and "national" Fascism became an international Phenomenon.
Not in vain had the Italian Government been the only Government in Europo which officially welcomed the Revisionist Confor.enco at Vienna in 1935. Tho official Italian nows agency, "Orionto Modorno" roport-ing it said; "Tho Revisionists take up a sympathetic attitude towards Italy. Their nowgpapor, "Jordan", supports Italy in the Ethiopian confliat becausc the Rovisionists aro oxtromo nationalists and onorgotic oppononats of the workors."
Tho Revisionist loador uttorod the war-cry against the Histadrut and immediately, the brown shirts of the strike-breakers appeared in tho stroots. Incidonts of torrorism against the vorking-class bocarno more and more froquont, Tho agitation against the inner onomy gained forco. Tho atmosphere was croatod in which Arlosoroff was murdorod.
After one of the first ,attacks, on a. workors' club of the Loft Poalo Zion on Simehat Torah, Borl Khtznolson wrotos
"This is vary serious indeed. Tho labour movomont has learnt from its oxporionco; it rocognizos the boast while it is still in its lair.
It rocognizos the truo naturo of those who begin with rowdyism and finish with political and cultural murder."
Yes, the rowdyism has roach a higher stage. Tho ground h: s boon intonsivoly proparod.
Tho "Mogillah".
During the trial, which took place in 1934, of the mombors of that extremist Revisionist group which called itself "Revolutionary Zionist Loaguo" or "Torrorist Loaguo", articles .and lottors of the accusod were road out in court, among thorn was the "Mogillah" of the "Zikrikists".
In this it was stated;
"A movomont has to baso itself on the bones of its unomios and advorsarios. Only thoso who aro proparod to bo killed can ]:ill.
Terror is boing enrriod out by nsmoloss horoos. "Zilcrikism" onablos an anonymous porson to bocomo a horo; all that is nood is training in sniping."
Further on, the "Magillah" says;
"Tho Zikrikist chooses as his aim. a prominent person of tho existing rogimo. Whon he murders ...such a roprosontativo of the existing ordor, he does not commit common murder. Tho prihoiplo thing is, that the Zikrikist atmosphoro insido the group remains uninterrupted!."
After outlining the basis of this ideology of torror comes tho definition of the aim;

Originally, group of terrorist oxtremists during Roman War.
9.
"National dictatorship, leaving the Zionist World, Organization, fighting against national funds,. creating Bio J0־t7ish State with fire and sword." Tho correspondonco between Fascism and the methods of its realization, is clear and instructive.
"Mussolini is the man who has saved humanity from Communism. We
aro the pionoers of the fight against Socialism, Marxism and. Communism -for ton years we have boon trying to find a Jowish Mussolini. Holp us to find him!"
Tho Jowish Mussolini has, perhaps, not yet boon found; but thoro arc many Socialists, Marxists and Communists. Tho question, as to how to deal with thorn, has also hcon solved:
"... You soon to think that a simple doath sentonce is sufficiont for our apostates, but thoy dosorvo to bo torn to shreds and to bo thrown as food to the rats. We havo to fight a bloody war against a govern--mont permitting pogroms, against a narrow alllane0 with the Arabs and against those agents who aro "sitting pretty" in the Zionist Organia-tion."
Thoso ideological bases woro, of course, passod on to the young gonoration, to the "Botar", (Youth Movement of the Revisionists), and it is significant to road in "Limudim":
"During my last losson in the Botar I felt very pleasod. I asked
wh«at mcasuromont thoro was to assess the disturbances. One boy answerod; the amount of blood that has been shed, I said; that is truly the answer of a Botari!"
That youth gave the correct answer, not so, however, the studonts of the Haifa Polytechnic, although they had hoard the samo things. Ono of the witnesses at the aforo-montionod trial said that at an assembly in Haifa in 1923, thoy woro addressed thus:
"You lack the national spirit of the Gorman students who murderod Rathonau. Thoro is not a singlo ono amongst you who could kill like thoso Gorman studonts, who murdered Karl Liobknocht and Rosa luxeinburg."
Alternation of War and Beaco.
Those woro the main principles of tho. Zikrikists. After tho publication of the "Mogillah" and the trial of the Arlosoroff murderers, the "revolutionary Zionists" bogan to bo afraid, and deniod all connoction with such an organisation. Tho "Mogillah"" .thoy arguod, was only meant as a symbol, its touchings of political murder zero not to bo takon lit orally. Thoy were only picturasquc allogorios.

Well-to-do circles and so-callod "good Jaws" oagorly supportod thorn. Thoy declared that this "Mogiilah" was nothing but the product
10
of literary playfulness, which did not contain anything harmful. More that that, Revisionism hold out its hand to the labour movement,
Tha typo of tactics, sc popular in Fascism, us adoptod - war alternatod with poaco. Whon the poacoful attack had 'boon rojoctod and tho working class had refused t» bo in agroomont with Fascism, the war and tho.agitation against the internal onomy bogan again.
"The disaster comos from within, it was said in the Revisionist papor "Towards the destruction of the Third Tomplo", and not from without. Thcroforc, our war has firstly, to bo diroctod against tho inner onomy, or olso, our fighters will not win,"
Tho "fightors", of course, diroctod increased hatred against tho inner onomy and ridiculod the craativo efforts of the workers. In this atmospnore, now torrorist incidents occurred. In one caso, an official of the Workors’ Bank: was attackod in an attempt to rob some thousands of pounds. Immodiatoly aftor the attompt, the Revisionist Party declarod that the culprits had boon excluded from the Party some time before. The "revolutionary" opposition, however, did not agree with this and informod the public:-
"In Tol Aviv, a young Fightor for the Freedom of the Jewish People, attomptod to take a sum of xnonoy from a messongor of tho Bank of the socialist traitors, in order to provent this monoy falling into the hands of the rod Mascovitos. This young fighter has fallon into the hands of the polio. But what did our Revisionist honourablos do? They did what they had dono before in similar cases, they nurmarod that thoy had already excluded him from the Party."
Jabotinsky’s position bocamo difficult. His pupils began to clash with oach other inside the Now Zionist Organization* Tho "revolutionary" and the "modorato" kino fought against each othor. order to
preserve the organization as a who10, Jabotinsky dooidod to add to the monistic conception, of nationalism without any socialist admixtures, a dualistic method:-
"I strongly objoct to monism. If, for instanco, A organises an exhibition ho noods clerks, at the same time, E fights against thorn. Both aro necessary; the throwers of bombs and the organizers of exhibitions

We could continuo, in this way, following the development of tho thoory and practice of the fight against the "inner onomy", but wo think that the evidence that has already been presented, is sufficient to justify our conclusions.
Everyone who argues that the terrorist attitude has arisen recently, out of the needs and the sufferings of the nation, argues wrongly. Tho terrorist conception was created long befere the
Continued on page 31
11.
In view of the crimes the terrorist gangs have committed, which have brought trie Yishuv to the verge of great disasters, the Yaad Hapoel has unaminously adopted'the following resolutions:-
The uncompromising opposition of the working class and the Yishuv as a whole against terror and the terrorist gangs, cannot obliterate the basic fact that the present situation has its origin in the White Paper and its continued existence; wo, therefore, demand of the Mandatory Government that it should, solve the question of Palestine in accordance with its obligations under the Mandate and with the needs of the Jewish people for redemption and rescue.
The sixth Conference of the Histadrut (Nov, 1944) pointed out that, "the terrorist groups in their education, their social character and in their criminal excesses, are the enemies of the progressive character of the Zionist and Labour movomontsj they aro creating international hatred; they aro misleading and soducing youth, away from the work of Croatian and self-defonce, towards the Fascist torror and advonturo. Thoy aro distorting and hindering the fight for redemption and rebuilto-ing of the Jewish pooplo and thoy sook, through throats, blackmail and murder, to establish their rule over the Yishuv and to destroy its internal freedom".
Tho activities of the terrorists, which have boon continued since that time, have further widened the gulf between them and the organised Yishuv.
The Yaad Hapoel demands from the Jowish workers that thoy should carry out the decision of the Yaad Loumi of January 20th, 1947, that "the Yishuv has to defond itself with force against instances of suppression and coorcion through intimidation, with the aim of oxtorting money by thro, ts from teachors, pupils, policeman, taxi- . drivers, etc.
The Yaad Hapoel of the Histadrut demands from the national institutions that they should increase the independent activities cf the Yishuv against the. small terrorist minority, who subject the Yishuv to incalculable disaster and who endanger the political struggle of the Jewish people in the most serious hour of its history.
Continued on page 4
DECLARATION

- of -
VAAD HAPOEL
12
The essence of the problem generally termed "The problem of the Kibbutz children" lies in the character of the Kibbutz. The builders, and first genoration, of the Kibbutz underwent a .groat personal revolution, Thoirs •was a rovolt against the accoptod order and atmosphere of the life from which they liberated there-solves in order to establish a now order and a now home.
We, however, woro born into an order of life, the foundations of which had already boon laid. Our life developod without any changes; sinco the foundations of those colloctivo sottlomonts contain forms of lifo, stab10 to a certain oxtont, which havo boon determined despite the dynamic character of the Kibbutzic Moshok.
Here and there complaints aro voiced against us, as if wo lackod the instinctivo Ahavat Tisraol (Lovo of Israel). I do not know to what oxtont this complaint is justified, it certainly has somo foundation. It results from the font that wo havo novor soon the Golah, which was the scono of the first gonoration’s rovolt. We lank the connection with the Jewish atmosphere, mentality and life, with the Jewish world in the Golah and ovon in Palestino. Wo grow up and developed within this Kibbutz, honco,
it has bocomo natural to us, and our life within the Kibbutz oxporioncos none of the ups and dorms of that of the first gonoration.
We are accused of resigning ourselves to many phenomena in the Kibbutz and of indifference towards its social life. People say that it is in the nature of youth to be rebellious and revolution-ary. "Why then," they ask, "is there no ferment, no revolution amongst you?" Certainly there is always ferment among youth and there is quite a lot of it amongst us too, The reason it has not come out into the open is that there are no charnels for its development. But revolution? What shall we overturn? Isn’t the Kibbutz itself the result of the ,greatest revolution on the face of this earth? We, therefore, see our te.sk in the rejuvenation of this life, in continuous renewal and renovation within the framework of the Kibbutz.
We were taught that our life, end our Kibbutz, are the essence
SECOND GENERATION
IN THE KIBBUTZ
of the desires and, strivings of generations for a life of equality and so-operation. Perhaps there is also a negative element in
this education; we were taught to think that we kero the centre (f the aspirations and visions of the World and Jewish Labour Ubvomant, consequently, wo balisvod that, this Kibbutz was something comploto which roquirod no basic reform savo tho correction of various minor, shortcomings cf our life. Thoro aro ohavorim in our midst who fool it is cur fundamental task to corroct such shortcomings, though I, for ono, beliovo that with the host will in the world wo, as a spocial group, shall not to atlo to fulfil this task boce.uso wo aro as yot too fow in numbor, 1 boliovo it is the task of the Kibbutz youth to do tins work in unison with the who 10 of the Havre. Tho intornal lifo of a Kibbutz is dynamic, and vc ;oust therefore approach this task together. In invigorating this lifo, wo must maintain the continuity of gonorations.
Sinoo we saw our lifo as stable, permanont, and dooply-rooted, it is natural that wo also saw the shortcomings of this life which havo to bo improved. It is wrong, howovor, to accusa us of sooing the shortcomings alono, although those aro the rnoro obvious for boing soon noar at hand. Our education towards a collootivo lifo, founded on justice ,and oquality within the framework of the Kibbtuz, ofton clashed with reality. We triad to soo the adult Hovra as it was, honeo, wo also saw its shortcomings."
One thing is certain, wo must continuo in the Moshok in which wo wore' bom and brod. I havo hoard ohavorim of young groups, espooiaily those on Haclisharah in our Moshalcim, complain that wo aro indifferent and oasy-going bocauso wo find it oasy to continue in the Kibbutz whoro wo live. This, howovor, is an orronoous conclusion, it is not easy for the young gonoration to outor into the fromowork within which thoir parents have lived. Thoro arc certainly many factors which make it oasior to croato something now, to diroot all, the fermenting end robollious spirit of youth info this channel. Moro than onco wo havo boon troubled by thoso visions of going on a now Hityashvut, of joining a now Mifal.
I had the privilege of participating in ,the Aliyah to Biryah, and stayed there for some time. It was very diffioult to return to the Hoshok afterwards. I, liko many othors, had como under the spoil of creating something altogether now. It is not oasy t.o continue to bo in the company of grown-ups, and it should bo said clearly to thorn; "Do not bo too certain in your conviction that our minds aro at rost."
When joining the Moshakim in which vo wore born, wo don't join the Moshok alono, but as a Kibbutzic hovra, wo ontor tho
14
Kibbutz as a whole. Our education must be such as to imbue us with the values of the Kibbutz, the simple fact that wo were born in the Kibbutz is not a sufficient guarantee for knowledge. Of course, there is no no-od to tench us laow to live in a Kibbtitz because this life is natural tc us, but vo have much to loarn of the principles of .the Kibbutz, of its dynamics and of its roots'in the Palestine Labour Movement.. Of those matters wo have not boon sufficiently taught, and this fact has left its mark.
Gonorally, our absorption in the HGshgk is difficult. Our profossional education is considerable, but simply because of this, thoro arc many signs of superficiality in the field of ideas.
It is corroct to say, to a certain dogroo, that wo lack tho fooling of belonging to the working class. We, who woro born in tho indopondont labour settlement, arc closed in by the four walls of our homos and moot other ־working youth only at camps. This is a fail-uro of our Hovomont - the Noar Ovod. I cannot, for the momonfc, think cf a solution, yet, I am sure thoro aro many possible solutions and the Kibbutz must consider the mattor. A way must bo found for
'a Mov miont lifo within the framework of Noar Ovod, for surely tho mattor is not closed with an automatic affiliation to this organisation ,accompanied by the pious hope that conviction will follow, for this'is not always the case.
Apart from Bin Harod, wo aro still few in number in other Moshakim, We have our difficulties everywhere, and though thoro aro spocial questions at oaoh individual Kibbutz, the gonoral problems' arc the seme, They aro common to the who 10 of the socond generation, and it was for this reason that wo convonod a" country-wido rally.
I consider that this rally., with its discussions and dobatos, is the framowork wo nood.
We now know for certain that our Hevra, the Hevra of the second generation, will not increase quickly in the near future. The pioneers who founded the Kibbutz knew that ,others would follow them, that their community would grow with additional immigration. We are able to calculate exactly the exteont of the increase of our Hevra on the basis of the Hovrat Hayoladim. The old Meshakim are absorbing next to no young Aliyah for Hashlama, so that our community grows only with the ago groups coming up from the Hovrat Hayoladim. This fact; gives us the fooling that wo aro fow and isolated oven within a largo Moshok. There are, of courso, neighbouring settlements in the Emok Yozrool and the Emok Hayarden, whoso children woro educated together all the time. Tho chavorim from the Emek, at the rally, said tisat they woro not prepared tc forogc this contact end their mootings with thoir neighbours, but, naturally, this cannot tako the place of our country-wide rally sinco our problems arc the same in all the Meshakim of the Kibbutz.
15
Dospito the fact that we arc fow in number and despite cur being accustomed to the hum of social life in a largo Kibbutz, wo triod to establish a social life of our own in the various settlomonts. And, indeed, hero and thoro groups of youth woro ostablishod. What wo aro trying to do now, is to give moro oontont to our mootings and our life, to bring*up. problems together and to drav. conclusions together, We want the .adult Hovra to help, and wo aro sure thoy can help. Whon, at timos, wo make demands with which the chavcrim do not agroo, wo aro often bold; "When wo foundod the Kibbutz, some twonty or.twonty-five yoars ago, woro wo not also few, did we not suffer, was it not difficult for us to croato a social life?" It is an argument which is difficult to answer. But, as I havo already said, tho first pionoors know of a following, thoroforo, thoro was a powor-ful dotormination to continue, despite the difficult conditions.
Wo, on the other hand, aro the first pioneers, of the second gonora.tion, end with the host will in the world wo shall not bo able to fuso our generation with that of the adult Ilovra. without much fuss. Thoro aro difforoncos in ago and othor ossontials.
Whon we say that wo wish to establish a social life of the socond gonoration in the Kibbutz, wo would wish thoso things to bo understood in the sonsa in which thoy aro said, and wo should bo givon ovory assistance in achioving this object,
Pooplo will ask; "Is it really truo that you aro so fow in number?" Suroly thoro aro Hachsharot Noar and groups of young Garinim living and working at your sottlomonts. Why don't you corno into contact with thorn, form a Hovra togothor, perhaps you will manago to bind thorn to' the Moshok?" I admit that the contact botwoon the local youth and the Hachsharot and Hovrot Noar in tho Moshakim is vary woak. To my mind, the roason is obvious and simplo. If wo vishod to amalgamate for the purpose of socuring the continuation of our Moshok, wo could amalgamate only with a Hovra who. wo know for 'oortain will romain in the Moshok, Hachsharot, howovor, do not romain in the Moshok, Thoro is yot another fundamontal roason; sinco birth we woro brought up undor a systom of communal oduoation in our own buildings. This fact makes it difficult for us to amalgamate with youth not oducatod in the same way, with youth who had to undor go a personal rovolution in ordor to ontor Kibbutzic life. Dospito this, howovor, tho idoa is gaining ground amongst us, to look for a wider social framowork by the moans of joining Hachsharot end young'Garinim to our Hovra. This Hashlama sooms to us to bo ossontial if wo aro to ovorcomo the fooling of. isolation and lonolinoss.
I havo already montionod that, the fact wo woro oducatod and grow up only.In our Moshok, has somewhat narrowod our horizon.
It has damaged our ability to absorb ohavorim. Tho first stops to improvo this havo alroady boon made, Ein Harod was the first settlement to mako it possiblo for her sons and daughters to spond
16.
a year outside the Meshek. This is of vital value in the broaden-ing of the field of vision of the second generation. It is cert inly to the good that this one year's leave has now been directed into new channels connected mth the tasks of the hour which enablliles us to play our part in the struggle of the Yishuv and the nation. Inestimable good may come to our Hev'ra as a resu.lt of this procedure.
The second generation must show that it is alert in the affairs of the Hevra and the Kibbutz. To show such alertness in the Anafim of the Meshek and at wtrk is oasy and bears no difficulties, for wo have been trainod for work.since childhood. But thoro aro many sphoros of
lifo whoro activity on our part is required. Tho old settlements aim to
make us participate in the work of tho Vaadot, but tho question is not
limited to this alono sinco tho Yaaaot arc riot tho only expression of
activity-within the Hevra, Wo consider our task within tho Kibbutzio Hovra, not only in participating' within such institutions, but in the Hovra itself and its vary life.
If wo really soo the futuro of the Kibbutz in the sooond generation, it is vitally important to raise our rnontal and educational standard/
Tho roa.lisr.tion that the char act or of our young Hovra will, in a largo mo.asuro, dotermino the character of the Kibbutz, places a groat deal of responsibility upon us and the whole Kibbutz,
Yisraol P, from Zror Michtavim.
Continued from page 23
laws to an exhaustivo soiontific examination. We have to find the corroct means of fighting convential lios in order to strongthon oursolvos, to sparo sufficient forcos also for control organization, for shlichut (missions abroad} end for rnoro succossful and adoquato ooonomic and social organization. Only this will make it possible for us to fulfil all thoso vital tasks which we cannot and must not avoid in our fateful struggle.
Eliesor Druvish
Zror
Michtavim
Until a short time ago, socondary education in the Kibbutz Artzi was identical with education in the Childrens' Community of Idle Hashomer Hatzair in Mishmar Haemek. All the children stayed at home in their Kibbutzim until they reached the age of twelve, by which time they had completed six years of primary education. The Childrens' Community, or Mossad as it is commonly called, added five more years of study. The twelfth year of study takes place in one of the Kibbutzim if Hashomer Hatzair with half-day wirk and half-day study. This introduces the life of work, ond the Kibbutz.
The growth of Kibbutz Artzi, the expectation of a great Childrens’ Aliyah, and certain technical problems, made it necepssary to ostablish, instead of the ono central Mossad, a series of Mossadot,
The Mossad in Both Alpha has already heen in oxistonco for several years and rocontly the Mossadoth in Sarid, Misra, Merhavia and Maavaroth have been foundod. Excopt for Misra and Morliavia,
those institutions serve more than one Kibbutz.
It is solf-ovidont that even with immigrant youth and chaldron from the towns, which, it has been suggested should not oxcood 30% of the school population, the now Mossadoth cannot immodiatoly roach the size of a normal secondary school. These schools will have to grow "organically"; they will start with two or throo of the lowest forms of a secondary school and incrca'so in sizo oach year as another group in the Kibbutz complotos its primary education. This mode of development dictates, By the way, the method of Building.
Whereas, in Mishmar Haemek, a Big Building contains most of the sleeping quarters and throo of the sovon classrooms, the now Mossadoth a.ro Built according to the "Pavilion system". Each group has its own small houso, containing about five rooms as sleeping quarters and at ono and, the classroom. This system onablos the Kibbutz to add Buildings as the Mossed and the children grow. It is considered that, bosidos all this, the pavilion system has certain educational advantages over the largo Building.
Without describing in. detail the educational aims and principles of the Kibbutz Artzi here, it can bo stated in general

Secondary Education
in the
Kibbutz
18
terms that the Kibbutz desires that secondary education should result in a certain scholastic achievement, in a type of young person fit and willing to share the communal life with interest and certain inclination to agriculture. For that purpose regimentation, examinations., .repetition and a series of other means of traditional second ry education nra superfluous and harmful.
Secondary education in the Kibbutz Artzi consists of turbo strongly intordopondont sectors, study, work and social activities, those are the main aspects of life in our secondary schools.
The project system is a well-known feature in all the schools of the Kibbutz Art si , vfhorens, in the primary schools end in tho Kibbutzim, ono project is taken at a tine, two .are t'bon in tho Moss - th. An Arts projoct runs parallol end independent of a Science project . Music, drawing, gymnastics, English, Arabic and mathematics nro taught more or loss independently of both projects, although, an offort is made to connect language teaching with ono of tho' main subjects. The projoct system entails a groat deal of individual cork, solf-study under the supervision of the teacher. Thus the child attains, a certain indopondonce
in mental work, it achieves skill in the handling of the "tools of learning" and a certain attitude to intolloctual work which will stand hi in good stead lator on in lifo. There no repetition of lessons, the whole group is responsible for the work of each of its meantors, the task of the project boing allotted to the whole form, whero-by a social mothod of learning is introduced as opposed to a competitive or selective method.
Tho content of the eduction doos not differ greatly from that of other schools in the frame-cork of secondary schools. Tho currionium is comprised of historical, goographical and sociological study, Hobrov literature and Bible study. Tho
Science side is emphasised mere than that of the Arts. Talmudic
studies are the only subjects usually taught in this country which are not part of the curriculum of our Mossadoth.
The chief feature of the education towards manual work is tho school farm. Tho school farm is independent of the farm of tho noiglibouring Kibbutz and is meant chiefly נ.or training purposes and not built on a profit-making basis. Part of the produce is sold ana part supplies the kitchen of the Mossad. A group of the children work in the fields of the Kibbutz and others work in the werkshops of the Mossad doing moral "and woodwork and work with soft materials such as, wool, cardboard, clay, etc. A furth part of the Childrens' Community is concerned with tho work of tho. house and in the preparation of teaching material. In all the jobs the aim is not one of specialisation but to gain a .certain knowledge of all typos of work in agriculture and of all types of materials from soft materials to .not.nl ork. Tho jobs
19
are changed every three months.
The Mossad as a childrens’ society serves a; double purpose;
It preserves the autonomy, of the childrens' world and at tho samo time it oducatos them to the colloctivo mode of life. Tho sovereignity of the childrens’ community is expressed in the hoority of the school assembly, which is its decisive body for al1 matters outside the purely academic. The unit, in which the child lives, is is group as well as his form. Tho group remains together throughout its life at school. Each group has its tutor in either the Science or Arts master of the class. Ho is the person immediately responsible for the development of his rticular group, he meets the mombers of the group colloctivoly nd individually at frequent intervals. Tho s mo group is a unit in the youth Movement of Hashomor Hatzair, the Madrich being ,sonior pupil. Movement activities form the framework of tho. scohools’ curriculum, and in hi ves, summer camps and meetings, a connection with youth in towns and villages is creatod. with
its committocs., democratic procodu.ro, stress of individual responsibility and its trust in sound 'public opinion within tho collectivo, the childrens' society res .moles that of the Kibbutz,
Tho proximity of a Kibbutz and the fact that the entiro school ar. loading a ccllectivo life are additional educational factors.
With the founding of the now Mossadoth, the oduca.tional prob1ems of secondary education . ..re brought much nearer homo;
'each kibbutz deciding on its local or district Moss • had to bo Lear about the oduc tional features involved. Teachers of all existing Mossadoth discuss common problems at periodical mootings, they constitute a. body via.. ... ich to exchange vivas and experionces. At the samo thme. educational problems arc profound-Iy discussed in the wider "public" of the Kibbutz. For somo time it has been felt, in the Kibbutz, that expenses on education aro completely out of proportion with the pos abilities of the Kibbutz.
Ways of leva ring the costs without harming the standard of eduction are Toing considerod this, of course, includes the Mossadoth. It has boon suggested to make an increase in the classes, each class having 25 pupils, to reduce the number of workshops, re-orgrnizo the school farm into profit-making concern and even forego tho autonomy of the school farm altogether. This would not ־ only save money and working hands, but would utilize the childrens' work on the farm of the Kibbutz. But, on the other hand, tho autonomous farm is regarded as an essential characteristic of a Hossvd. .Another problem, connected with the question of expanse, is whothor the now Mossadoth should sorve one Kibbutz or a district. Obviousl; there are many strong social and educational problems Involved. Whereas there is a strong opinion that the singlo Kibbutz school is cheapor to run, it is ".Iso argued that it is of
20
value to the child to "bo in constant contact with children of other Kibbutzim. The question of supplying staff .for so many small schools is also a serious ono,
Anotlior point of discussion is whether or not to separate ciaildron of the primary school from those of the Moss ad propor.
In the younger Hossadoth this is an essential question because of the small size of the older childrens' community. Tho great oducationai valuo in including the younger children and the greater responsibility it gives to the older children has to bo weighod against the fact that youngor children havo entirely different needs from those of the older childron who are decisive in the lifo of the Mossad.

Certain questions will only arise when the Mossadoth contain all classes, because they are more conccrnod with the older forms.
One of those can be mentioned here, Somo Kibbutzim intend to build Mossadoth as professional schools with the main omphasis on the workshops. There is a tendency, on the whole, to demand from all Mossadoth that the professional side should be managed in a different way so as to give a thorough training in a few branches, Against this there is the opinion that our secondary education should open the oys of the children so that they may look for wider horizons.. Profossional training, in the sense demanded, moans a lowering of the gonoral standard of learning and also specialisation at an early sta.gc which has, if possible, to bo avoided.
I
Whcroas the problem of loworing the cost of education is an urgont ono, the latter montionod problems, and othors not montionad, are in a preparatory stage'only. In the Kibbutzim, not only among those immediately concerned, thoreis a. groat discussion of' education-al issues. The issues involved are taken as seriously as political and economical probloms. There is amplo reason for the assumption that from colloc'tivo clarification a collectivo solution will be found which will carry on the high tradition of odilcation within Hashomor Hatzair in the face of the now difficulties and problems brought about by the financial burdens, which havo to bo eased, by the incroaso in the numbers of children over twelve In Kibbtzim, to whom the very best education is duo, and, finally, by tho rocoption of children from towns and, in increasing numbers, from the rest of the Galuth who have boon integrated into our way of lifo.
Richard Grunoborg
Former Ghaver of the English Movement, now a teacher in Mishmar Haeraek, Kibbutz Artzi
21.
During the period between the two Veidot, the Kibbutz Mouohad consolidatod and expanded, In the faco of the many obstacles which are placed in our way ovary day this 'van. a refreshing message. That which applies to the Movement as a whole holds good also for tho individua1 Kibbutz and, indeed, for ovary chavor. Each chavor can toll of the pulsating life in a growing kibbutzic village in somo ' rnor of our country. Chavorim spoalc of the increasing numbers of
growing children, of fields that boar rich harvests, of a largo and ill growing enterprise with even greater potontialitios. All this
conatinuos dospito the serious and gravo omorgoncy and the fooling of iaelation which many sotslaments in our midst experience.
Novortholoss, in spite of the achievement s at which I havo only hintod, it only fair to stato that thcro aro difficultios and it is not always easy to soo the w’oll-ostablishod road alio ad. Every day
brings foars for the. futu.ro which must he discussed amongst us at is rnomont whon ovoryonc saos himself faco to faco with demands ,and tasks, which require the strongest efforts.
As the touchstone of a discussion on those question I propose to take the absorption of now immigration. Wo should rojoico in the fac that, in the recent poriod many moshakim within the Kibbutz Mouchad have hud the opportunity and good fortuno to experienco for the first time the absorption of new aliyah. I shall not dwell here on the problems of absorption, on the heritage of the camps, on whims of fate, on conceptions, ideas, the difficulty of losing habits acquired in the past and of all that is opposod to our picture of life and to our rhythm of life. I want to deal hare, not with tho immigrants, but with ourselves. We shall not forgot our first meetings; we openod our house, wo gave as much as we were ablo, we
organized ourselves and established an active vaadat aliyah (commission for immigrants), we instituted study days, etc. hut,tho point is that the successful absorption of aliyah cannot be secured by special organisation alono, This absorption deponds on our
kibbutzic life as a whole, on its completeness, improvements and strongthening, This is, in my opinion, the problem which hoad these connected with absorption.
What do the olim thornsolvos say? For thorn, the main thing is that not only aro our doors open but our hearts as well. What is
FERRS FUTURE
for the
22.
needed is not the first excitement out a continuous readiness to listen, lasting patience and a readiness to participate and help.
Is it possible to create an artificial reality for the new olim? Even if it were possible it would not solve the problem. In any case wo arc not able to live separately and differently from the newe mors, the question is thoreforc, what is between us, what is the situation of the individual in our midst, what are the relation-ships between Chavorim, feet we on the individual and the chevrah and vice versa? Is there sufficient "chavorut" (comradeship)? Is there warmth and solidarity, social and ideological freshness, are there ideas end visions which illuminate every day and ovary minuto, is there confidence instead of cynislsm? Is there a fooling of solidarity and completeness coupled with a sense of croativonoss ovon in dark moments, is thora full and unshaken trust in co-oporation and its unshalcoablo foundations? There is a fooling of crisis, of shifting ground under the foot, but this imposes a duty on us all, I know and fool that none of our settlements will bo able to "vercome those problams without the Movement as a whole rallying to solve thorn. Hero I only wish tc indicate the question: what will happen to the
widening gaps in our kibbutzic and social life, in the sphere of oquality and co-oporatlon, of colloctivo responsibility, of the independent management of our moshakim? Will wc, for any longth
of time, bo ablo to tolorato convontial lios within the Kibbutz, and at the same time absorb now olim? Hero is the door to the growing cloavago amongst us. Will the error and confusion roain obscured as corners in a dark room? Aro we drawing up a balanco in order to forestall the evil, the centrifugal forces which aro thro,atoning our society?
In our kibbutzic life wo doal with the standard of.lifo, with individual tasto and its satisfaction in the colloctivo society. Tho principle that the vital needs of the chavor have to be satisfied, is very close to our hearts and minds. But under our conditions of settlement, the question of the norm and its limitations remains.
Anyone who livos in our kind of colloctivo life knows that here emerges the threatening questions, those of the identification of the chavor with the position and needs of the chevra end the moshel, of thoir abilities end thoir calculations. The question of the degree. of colloctivo and mutual responsibility remains oven. Every day, every minute, in ovary discussion and assembly we return to the question of questions - that of the individual; the raising of his standards, his self-education, his spiritual and ideological development which alono enable him to mako the offorvs demanded of him.
Tho question of the individual becomes more acute against tho background of our time, with its crisis of human valves, of the belief in man as such, a crisis of a generation saturated with lies and betrayal, with evil influences penetrating into our own. homo. This crisis, ovon if it mainly concerns apparently small matters, is
oating into us and somotimos puts the vor1' foundations of our life in joopardy. We havo, thoreforo, to stfangthon within our chovrah the bases for criticism and cellactive control, for continuous raction to all phonmena which have to do regarded as doviations from our accepted way of life,
There is also a.crisis of ideas within the .Ilovcmcnt which י. foots our individual cravorim. Tho split, the conflict of iiwvomonts, the mutual accusations am stifling confidonco and mutual !■rust. I notice the. spro•' ding of cynicism and indifference,
0■י ־ using a lack o.f alertness, a loworing 01 ideological intensity,
1 . this atmosphere, the domand for greater exertions, the ideological 1' .ends of the Movement, sometimes awaho a titter, doubtful and auspicious smile, not only in the now ־'•ler., tut sum. amongst veteran 1'laveriin. This fact is indeed disturbing,
I would also like to point to the organisational forms of our I 1 tv s another trial; this is a pronounced problem in even tho !' 1' 1י;:jo of our settlements, ¥0 still lack crystallized forms of life ''• • working day, the tor ?•nut, ־':ho thin that-•duty, the monotony of Ov-ryday life, the grinding struggle of the chavarim in the 'branches 0' I"' ho moshek. the living conditions and the oxocution of plans:
M1 '*so somot-iaios take all joy out of creation even if the aim is !'•■־ '•hod. Work, cent; 1w1.liza.fi on of the branches, security, put lie
'hairs, a wide not work of cotnmissBms and mootings and assemblies Without end constitute an overgx• owing burden, resting on a small ' ui'".lo within the cLovrn. This circle is clrocdy exhaustod and w •' I. after so many years of isolation and intorruptod immigration.
1.1,itough some regard this as,a nocoBsary development, ־'"־e a.ro now !'■ 1 '. ,d with the fact that carlnersomo, tire'.•, and not sufficiently f\'.U'ori;;ativo ;apparatus oxists within alio Kibbutz .,and that many c 1'werim, because tlaoy oairy the who 10 of the burden, novor havo ,11"; timo for relaxation or for a book, Thoro is a public tiredness ffh.i 11■' a:3 someth .cs ■almost paralysing. how should the chavor fight a •'Inst this? How should he continue to overt himself for nocossary ! .ל :־? Hero is the root of the problem ־who •should fulfil the tasks 0!' the moshek and of the ohovra. Has the time not come in which : ' thoroughly oxamino•the form of our organization and the ways and '., •ns of self-raanagomont? llucl'i is spelean about the pr.oolom of
fi' .•iter productivity of the work, but should the problem of tho productivit■ of our social life not bo seriously cousido;'. .cl ,־ .oil .:' • ! to libomto forces which are now hidden or running idle, in 1.1"l 1■ to strengthen internally our homo and to make forces available
1' .■ outside activities?
|
It has been my intention merely to wmt to aoll-iXLown but I'.' uful matt ..rs and I only wished to nreiigthon tl0 opinion and tho . 1. 'in•1, 's of many chavorim that wo must arrange for a thorough Investigation into tuose guestions, and that we havo to subject our , articular sociological pattern of life, with all its particular
Continued on page 16
(From the "Yaman" (journal) of Kibbutz Erotz Yisraol "givenl," hisAon le Zion)
Whon all the equipment from America, has boon adaod to tho gonrol al equipment of the Kibbutz, we will havo at our disposal a largo numbor of wireless sacs. This raises the problem of the best possible way to use them in keeping with our principles of equality.
During one of the last meetings of our Vaadat Chaverim, this question was discussed and below, an account is given of the state of affairs and of the proposals made to solve this problem,
Apart from sots belonging to parents of chaverim, there are, at the moment, fifteen receivers in the Kibbutz. Those arc distributed as follows:- one at Yassur (new hityashvut), one in the reading room, tieree with chavorim away from home, two to three in nood of repair, two to three with sick chaverim, and the romining four not in use. Whon the other chavorim will come from America wo shall havo ever twenty sets. Those are, according to the Vaadat Chaverim. the possibilities of solving this question;
Ivory chavsi ־who brings a wiroloss sot, keeps it - to this tho Vaadah was opposed as it would result in inequality'.
To taka all rcciivers to equip our public rooms, to provide wiroloss sots for the sick and to chaverim sway from, homo and to allocate the romaindor to private rooms according to a certain "tor" (order) for periods to bo fixed beforehand"
The majority of the chaverim of the Vaadah opposed this proposal as it would lead to a rapid dilapidation of the rooeivers owing tc the many chango-overs. They think that a system is proforablo which would enable all chaverim to listen to the radio at the same time, which could bo financed by the soiling of some of the sets:-
A notwork to bo installed covering all the rooms, ovary room to bo providod with a loudspoakor with a button to chango stations and another button to rogulato tono volume. Every loudspoakor to bo
Continued on page 28
Wireless Sets
in the
Kibbutz
To continue, or to start afresh, this is a serious question, which must faco ovory hoy (or girl) at the end of their studios when ho (or she) stands at the cross-roads: whether to continue the work his parents have hogun and into which they havo put all thoir toil and strength in order to build up a Moshok, or whether to leave the parontal home and to start building anow.
In my opinion, this is not really a dilemma for the children of the Kibbutz. There is only one way - every child of the Kibbutz has to stay there so that 110 may continue the work his parents have started. For who elso will shoulder the responsibility of the future of the Moshok? The agoing parents, or the now olim who havo arrived only recontly from the gola, tired and hurt?
In the veteran Meshakim (like Ein Harod, Tel Yosof, etc.) tho children of the Moshoic are carrying the burden and the responsibility for many "anafim" (branches); they teach, the now olim the work and introduce thorn to a life of toil and creation, they bring them nearer to our now Hebrew culturo, and, also, they toach you children of the towns who havo stood up against your parents, and havo gono out to croate a now life.
Of courso, the dosert calls and claims us, too, but wo have to do what reason tolls us to do and not what the heart fools. But, if you and your chaverim would havo done what reason had told you to do and holped us to continue our work, wo would not havo all this trouole in the cow-shod or in the fields. For hard Labour does not attract those who are able to enjoy an easier life. Yes, it is oasior to begin and build up a now lifo than to improve on what already exists and to certinuo the work which ono’s parouts have started. But do not think, chavor, that it is an easy task to continue with a Mosllok which has boon developing and growing for decados but which ha.s not yet reached the climax, of Its development, which has to bo extendod and the quality of whese branches has to bo raised. Who should do this?
For theso reasons it should bo a natural and healthy matter, for the Meshok as well as for our nation in its distress, that the child-ran of the Moshoic should carry on the work. For thousands of years our people has wandored over the countrios of the oarth. Is this the way a healthy and strongly-roetod nation should dovolop? No,
The Propen Place

for the Childrens
26.
we must no continue our wanderings! we havo to build, up a groat, hoalthy and solid villago.
Tho oxamplo which you have prosanted, that of our parents leaving the countrios of the' golah and coming hero to Palestine, does not apply, he cause they loft behind tile alion countrios of the golah and came hero to build a now homo in their own country for thorns elves and for their children.
You sons and daughters of the towns, you havo done well to coma to us in order to continue the chain; for the country will net he built up by "luft manschon" and "saloon pioneers". It is only a pity that you havo not succeedod in drawing along with you many more of your chavorim who mould havo formed a reserve for now sottlomont but who are nova wasting thoir timo and thoir energy ,"adding about, loading empty and useless lives. If you had succeeded in "bringing thorn to us, those, who are now drifting to foreign universities, would have invested thoir talents and their strength in the upbuilding of our nation.
i
We havo not choson an oasy life, we, too, are fulfilling tho tasks which havo been given to us, and we stand in the same front-lino with you, whether this moans help to now Moshakim, tasks in our own Moshok, or activities of the Haganah.
We know well that, many mere obstacles and difficulties await us and wo are, thoroforo, preparing ourselves for all the tasks which the Jewish people and our parents in the Kibbutz might entrust to us. Our first task is to continue the work of our paronts, or to para-phrase the old saying; "Our parents aro sowing in tears and wo shall sow in tears but together we shall reap with joy." Tho second task is; to absorb into our ranks our brothers who have escaped from destruction, and you sons of the "citics.
Perhaps what I have said does not fit into reality as the Moshok, in which you aro at the moment, is relatively young and its children aro young also ana aro not working fully yet. But v/hat will happen in a faw years timo? Bid you really think over every word of your critical latter? It is nice to coin high-sounding phrasos as long as you havo not proposed any suggestion based on roality. But we, in our place, ar pioneers just as much as you, for we havo to be the pioneers for the improvements which will havo to tako place in our Kibbutzim,
Shlomo
Afakim
Before I como to the subject itself I have to oxpross my surpriso and delight in the development of all spheres of lifo in the Kibbutz since my first vist after my release from At lit in 1941. This is an achievement of which all the chaverim and cliaverot can be proud. All the other "grandparents" are delighted, too. In particular, I have been impressed by the utilization of modern scientific methods and experiments in all fields of work; in the fields and in the cowshed, the sheep and goat breeding, the stable, thu poultry and the fruit-trees. Also I like very much the statistical information service.
The reception which the chaverim and chaverot gave to us old folk was extremely cordial and greatly eased our settling down in the Kibbutz. After a very short time we all developed the feeling of being at home, especially as we found our place in the daily work. And wo, I think I can say without exception, aro glad to contributo our share to the upbuilding of the Kibbutz, everyone at his place of work. This gives some practical meaning to our life here.
According to a decision of the Kibbutz, we work only six hours daily. In this we see an indication of the nico attitude of tho Kibbutz to the "old ones".
What kind of work are wo doing? Our "doyen" works mainly in the carpontor’s shop and sometimes in the store, in the chatzor (farmyard), during the Summer in the hayfields and in general wherovor there is a shortage of manpower. He is a sort of "stop-gap". His "bachurah" works in the kitchen of the children’s house and helps to repair their clothes. Others aro knitting baby clothes,
mending socks, etc. My "bachurah" works in the kitchen of the chlidren’s house and is trying hard not to burn the portidge or the milk. My own work is in the engineering shop. For some time I
jave been working as a designer and that gives mo a lot of pleasure, What am I designing? Water maters of all kinds and sizes, irrigation gadaets, etc. Tho absence of permanent nervous tension is a great advantage of my work here compared with my previous work in Tel Aviv.
The confidence of the Kibbutz in us "old folk" is indicated by the appointment of ono of us as "postmaster". As a real "yecke"
(Jow from Western Europe or Germany) he is very exact in tho
Life OF THE
GRAND PARENYS
28
fulfilment of his task. Before the post-van. arrives he can bo soon sitting on the waiting bench at the central post-office, together with his secretary and his assistant. The van arrives and almost immediately a list is fixed in the dining hall showing who has received any letters while the postmaster .himself"'hurries to the office of the Secretariat in. order to sort out the letters for distribution.
After work, shewer-bath and a "cup of tea", we go for a slow walk, and then comes our grand-daughter! Reading and listening to the wireless after supper completes our day. According to our knowledge of Hebrew we also participate in the cultural life of the Kibbutz. We greatly enjoy concerts and "pictures" and are permanent clients of the "foreign language library".
If I am asked; "How do you like the food?" I have to answer in the name of all the "old people"; The food is excellent. But I have to admit that two of us have, so far, not found sufficient courage to try Palestinoיs two particular fruits; the egg-gruit and the olives.
To sum up; In my opinion, our life, froe of worries, will be onvied by many other widorly people who aro still corapollod to fight for their lives outside the Kibbutz.
Grandpa M.
From the publication of Kibbutz Daliah.
Continued from page 24
connectod with four receivers at some centre, each receiver would be tuned in to a different station. By turning a button every chavor is able to listen to one of the four stations or to switch off altogether. Similarly it wall be possible to listen to gramophone records. All those installations will bo paid from the proceeds of those roeoivors which will be sold.
Tho Vaadat Chavorim regards this last proposal as satisfying the entertainment needs of all the chavorim.
29
Every morning, at about quartor to six, the fresh morning air beats into my face as I mako my way to the bus stop, two minutos walk away from the house, I have to wait only a fow minutos boforo tho trolly-bus arrives to take us to the pit. By the timo wo arrive, tho pitbaths, where we chango our clothes, is as busy as a bechivo; men are pushing, running, shouting, singing, whistling r.nd arguing, and at the sarno timo aro trying to got into thoir working clothos at maximum speed. It will not bo many minutos boforo the alarm boll is sounded to givo us warning that, the timo ־when wo can fotoh our lamps, is drawing closo.
In a frenzied hurry the last buttons aro done up, helmets are donned, wo make a flying grab at our snap tins and viator bottles, and witkin a. fow minutes the men can all bo soon hurrying towards the pit shafts.
On othor days, when I am not in a groat hurry, I like to walk across the fifty yards of surface slowly and somotimos, on vary nice and fresh mornings, rather hesitatingly. This is all that separates me from the choking depths into which I shall soon doscond. I fool sorry to leave the fresh air, not to bo ablo to. soo the sun riso, and the wind rustling among the grass and hodgos. i.Ty gazo lifts to tho groat, tall 'chimney in front of mo, togothor with the pitshafts and their clumsy look, it rnakes a gruesome sight in the dark. Prom tho top of the chimney, looming gauntly and becoming tailor and taller as wo approach it, hangs a shoot of black smoko, like a pirato’s flag incessantly changing its form and shape, but always pouring out, day and night.
Strange ideas pass through my mind liko lightning, flashing across the screen of my oonciousncss, to be quickly roplaced by others equally
strango........... I am remindod of bygone years, of the time whon I first
road of workers in factories, whon my mind already, thon, conjurod up picturos of big, tall chimnoys, smoko, hugo dark buildings and humans, as manifold as ants, hurrying to. and fro, driv°n by sorno unknown force to porpotual harass and otornal hurry. All part of ono gigantic machine, whoso workings I was to discover much later in life.
In thoso mements I exporionce a feeling of ononoss, a fooling of intimacy with thoso old memerios of mine. They aro no longer memorios
Jinpressions
on


Mining

30
now, but have become life, which I oxpcricnco at this very moment. I have bocomo one: of these human ants. I am driven to hurry for the same reasons as they, and with them I experience a lifo of norm, toil and sweat.
I give one last look at the shy, which is gradually loginning to ho filled-with a pale light, and to the tuno of two steam valves that, at intervals, hiss a soronad of steam, power and impationco, I make my way up the stops to the cage, I always liken thoso valves to a pair of racehorses, blowing their nostrils with impatience, straining to be off.
Slowly the cage bogins to descend. Twenty anxious faces, now level with the platform on which we had stood, are lit up by tho light boforo us that flickers ovor them, shadowy and half-hiddori under thoir holmots, and a second later flashes over the gaping void of tho shaft/
The rope travels quiclear now, a gust of wind rushes up to moot us on our downward journey, I fool myself suspended in mid-air as my stomach. Beamingly defying all laws of gravitation, rises up into my mouth. Faster and faster wo travel now until, slowing down with a bump, the cago comos to a stop at the bottom of the shaft. Slowly the non file out, have their lamps tested, thon they set off down the black tunnels that beam out in front of thorn.
Down hero it is strangely quiet, only the low, dull thudding sound of our steps breaks the ailonco. Tho forrnar garrulous chatter of the non has become a strained and tonso stillness,
Tho white washod iron girders, bonding and. twisting under their terrific weight like Atlas holding up the pillars of the Universe, provide the only variation in the monotonous, palpablo blaeknoss, absolute and unchangeable. It so ms to resent the intruding lights and rotreats sullenly, the flooting shadows hiding behind props and stones.
We turn around a bend and a rushing noise can be heard, which increases in volume with every stop, until we come to the ventilation doors that dam up the current of air. Too first men pulls them open and passing through, ־Jo arc gently driven on by the windrush hurrying
past us.
Tho stel rope, under our feet, suddenly starts to move winding its way, gliding silently towards as, like a serpent, while a rolling, thrumming noise approaches us from afar. Hurriodly wo dash into tho noxt safety niche, for the coal waggons arc now almost on top of us, immediately after they thundor past and their noisy turbulanco disappears into the distance again. Tho ropo stops moving and tho unearthly silencs one a again boars down upon us.
31.
The easy part of our journey is at an end now. Soon we are walking -
supporting ourselves on our knoos, along four foot high passages and tunnels. Now crawling on all fours and now on our stomach, drawing ourselves forward with our elbows, .new climbing up brows as stoop as wolsh Mountains. Strange mountr.inooring this, and beforo wo have reanched the coal face, my hands and knoos aro bruised and my hard is aching from the innueorablo times I have knocked it against the roof and protruding planks of wood.
At last our dost !'nation is readied. In the murky glow of tho lamps can bo soon the black, shiny figures of the colliors. Crouchod down on the floor in an awkward, cramped position, thoy aro shovelling.
and hacking away at the black treasure, with short, jerky movements beacause of the lack of room. From their bodies rises the ransid, sour small of*swoat, that runs down thorn in littlo stroams, forming rivulots and plastoring the thick coal on thorn in a sticky moss.
Tho white of the oolliors' oyos stand out strangely from their blackonod faces as thoy shoot furtive, approhonsivo glances at all sidas; at the roof and the bulging sidos which immures thorn as in a* prison, threatening to corno down on thorn. Only hurriedly put up
and bars hold up the weight, squirming and writhing under thoir load as in agony. This is tlio place whero the colliers spend half their lives, living in constant four of doath, novor knowing whether the earth, through whose womb thoy burrow thoir way like human mo1os,
will ot thern escape its dutches, which have claimed so many victims.
We aro now on our way out, walking in single filo, the lamps on the mans’ holmots in front, darting up and down like littlo glow worms. Nobody speaks, s the going is heavy enough. All are glad, though, when the lights of the pit bottom appear in the distance.
Only a short journoy up.yards in the cage, and tlion wo shall bo back again in the sunshine, and bo able to approciato the b...auty of tho country around us, even in bogrimod Lancashire.
David
Kibbutz Hakoriu, Bodford.
Continued from page 10
White Paper, boforo the anti-Zionist decroos and boforo the catastrophe which has befallen our people. It־has grown from the bud of
Novisionism and on the soil of tlio war against the innor enemy and in the atmosphere of the Fascist beem in the world. Tho terrorist groups of to-day aro the sons of yesterday's terrorists and; striko-broakors; thoy have been brought up with the "Mogillah of tlio Zikrinists" and educated with the teachings of Fascism.
Since the day I heard about it I have, naturally enough, been very anxious to visit the Kibbutz in Mexico, That's right, THE KIBBUTZ, you see there exists (dare I use the word) only one, I have not yet boon in contact with the group of Hashomer Hatzair in the city, although I have met several of their chavorim, but the more fact that they aro the only people who have at least attempted to start a hachsharah shows that they aro the only progressive Zionists here. Of the othor groups I have met, and this includes the young J.N.F. and what is called here the youth group of Hochalutz, I have found little sign of progressive Zionism, They have thoir mootings, road newspaper cuttings touching on Zionist problems, somo of the more serious chavorim will discuss thorn, but this discussion is usually on a standard of xnowlodgo lowor than anything I have encountered in any part of Habonin in England. Their knowledge of the geography of Palestine is practically nil and my rffer to show them that the Huloh was in the north of Palestino and not somowhoro betwoon the Hqgab and. Jerusalem was greeted with general surprise. On that occasion thoy wore discussing the plan of partition, Thoir lenowlodgo of Zionist history scorns to be somowhat greater, but I havo not oncountorod any great knowlodgd in that fiold oithor. They, the young J.N.F., will sit for hours on and voting on committees, secretaries, who to send to colloct monoy, etc. Thoy will sometimes get an outside speaker to tell them about Palestine and the Jewish Festivals, but that is about all. As I had been observing this since I arrived five months ago, I was really interested in seeing what tho progressive part of the Zionist Movement in Mexico was'achieving.
Perhaps it will bo bost to give you the facts gs I saw thorn last wook-and, when a chavor from Hashomer took rao to the Kibbutz. It was quite a long journey, but I assuro, it was worth while.
It was Saturday, my free day, and I had arranged to meet my friend in the centre of the city. We procoodcd by bus to a suburb by the name of Azcapotzalco, which sounds as if somohody was snoozing and you find yourself invariably saying "Gosundheit". From there we took another sc-called bus, sharing the company of chickens, a goat and other animals, not to mention the country population. After an hour of this, we disembarked slightly worse for wear and were joined by another chaver on his way to the Kibbutz, As we were now three and it was still daylight, we took a chance and thumbed a lift to the next village. How, thumbing a lift is by no means advisable, even during the day, when one is alone or in a small party, as this part of the country is not what might be called protected. In fact, most of the time you will find
in
Mexico
that nobody stops to give you a lift as they are afraid that you might take a liking to their property. But, we did manage to get a lift on an agricultural delivery van which took us to "within half an hour’s walk of the Kibbutz at which we arrived about 6 p.m.
So this was it. We had stopped whon we sighted the white farm house, somewhat "bigger than the surrounding shacks and stone huts inhabit-ed by the local Indians. This part of the land seemed to be more . desol,ate than the rest with hardly a tree to protect it against the sun which boats down relentlessly. Here and thore was a cactus, but aft or a while oven the ton foot high cactus troos got monotonous. The next day, when I helped with some of the work, it occurred to me that this was very similar to whet I lave road about the desolate parts of Palestine, more so than anything I had soon before, and their mothods of irrigation strengthened this belief. But more about this later.
Mien we entered the farmhouse we found a small group of dark-skinned Mexican youth dressed in overalls and "chamarras", which arc light blouses. They looked at me from under their huge five gallon straw sombreros and just whon I was about to ask them whore wo could find tho chaverim, they ousted with a big and hoarty "Shalom!", having by now recognized my two companions. Quick introductions followed and after they were told that I was a chaver of Habonirn in England, of which thoy had hoard vaguely, and that I had boon on hachsharah, there, I was overwhelmed with questions. I could understand their eagernoss in wanting to know about our Kibbutzim' and when I told them that we had
about five or six Habonim Kibbutzim alone consisting of about two
hundred and fifty chavorin, thoy were too surprised to say any more.
We talked for hours that night in Yiddish, smattors of English, my broken Spanish and horo and there a word of Ivrit, It must have sounded liko a UNO meeting, the only difference boing that wc agrood about almost overything.. They listened koonly when I told thern about the way wo planned overything, the budget, tho' various Yaadoth for tarbuth, kupah, aliyah, otc, Porhaps I should say hero, before I continue, that the gro p at present in the Kibbutz consists of no moro that sovon or eight chavorim. At half past twelve wo packed up as
thoy had a half a day's work in front of thorn the next day. But
boforo wo did, I had to toil thorn every littlo detail about Newport Pagnoll and also of the othor Kibbutzim I had soon, it took quite some time before I could got a few questions in myself to find out how their plane was run.
By and by I learned that the farm was part of the land which bolonged to a rich Zionist who had lot it to the Kibbutz for vary little money, the land boing very poor indeed. During the first two years the farm was unable to produce any groonfodder for the animals and generally, it was a very bad pioco of land. This, however, wwas not tho excuse of the chavorim of the Kibbutz, I chanced to find out the truth from another source here in Mexico.
sown similarly to rico in China. I expect some of you have soon tho procedurevin pictures. Tho whole land is artificially flooded with wator and, at times, you stand up to your knees in nud, then you walk along the furrows and drop the plants on to the top of the ridge.
This procedure you cxocuto barefooted with your trousers rolled up or woaring shorts and with a "big sonbroro on your head to protoct you from the sun. after I had boon doing this for an hour, I was eovor-ed with mud froa top to bottom, not boing used to it and sovoral tiaos slipping and kissing the nud. I was glad I accepted the offor at that tiem to go and help harvost sorno maize.
It occurrod to no that sono of those chavcrin, who I an sure are beconing quite export in irrigation, night bo vary useful in that branch of the Moshok in Kibbutzim in Arotz, During the wintor, as thoro is no rain, ovorything has to be irrigated artificially.
Wo returned from the field at about 12 o’clock and by then tho sun was burning down as on a vory hot day in the middle of August in England. Don’t forget that I was there at the end of November,
Here, in Mexico City, it is not quite as hot as the capital lies considerably higher, having an altitude of about 7000 feet. Eut to return to the subject, we came back to a. Mexican dinner expertly executed by one of the chaverim, whoso ta.sk it was to don the apron that day. Sunday afternoon they saddled the horses and gave me a special treat by having one of the chaverim take me around some cf the ,adjoining farms. There. I was riding, with a big sombrero and was looked at fey a lot of Indian kids in the planes we passed. In the ovoning my behind was sorer than somewhat and I was happy whon I couldn’t got a soa.t in the bus going back to Moxico.
There you have the whole picture of Chalutziuth in Mexico, as I saw it. It will bo clear to you, as it is to mo, that there is little progress. There is no doubt that there are many chaverim here who are concious and willing workors, but it is just as clear that, among other things, the economic structure of the land is one of thoir grea est obstacles to a progrossivo movement, as wo have in England.
It is though that the group, who arc at present on hachsharah, will he "bade in the city in a month or two, "What will happen than I don't know. There has been some talk about establishing a Both Chaluta and I have had many talks about this with ono chaver in particular, who belonged to the first hachsharah group and who is a German immigrant.
I hope something will come of it as it would certainly be a step in tho right direction,
Harry Schwarz
(formerly Kibbutz Newport Pagnell)
As I montionod previously, the Kibbutz consists of rio more than, a handful of chavorim, Thoy havo a small Moshale which grows mainly vogotablos and maizo, They.also possess, two cows, two riding horses (their solo means of transportation), two mulos for worn, several calves and a Formall tractor. Thoy know vary little about the latter and were very grateful whon I translated several items, concerning its running, from a booklet which they had receivod with it, 3 the booklet was printed in English. I was taken for a short tour around the one storey building, which houses the mitbach, what might bo called a combined chalar HaOchol and chadar Sholcot, and two dormitories. This was all, apart from the two or throe small rooms and the stables.
I transpired that this group, consisiting only of ebaverim, is the socond to be on hchsharah in Mexico. The first group having consisted of elevon to twolvo chr.vorim, including a number of chavoroth, had boon there from February 1945 until Juno of this year. Thoy appeared, from all accounts, to havo had a hotter team spirit and moro oxporiancod chaverirn than the present group, but, all of thorn arc now: back in Ivloxico City working in one job or another, mainly not chalutsic. One cannot compoto with the Mexicans in any job. which thoy arc able to do such as, farming or as labourers. Their standard of living is so extremely low that, no European could possibly support himself on such wages, A farm labourer, for
instance, receives about throe pesos a day (a peso is equivalent tc an English shilling) this comas to about a' pound a wook. Prices are, for most goods, oqual to those in England, apart from fruit, boons and a fow other articles, which ora cheaper. But to roturn to this first .group, I doubt if there aro now more than five chaverirn. who still havo the intention to go to Aretz and nobody can toll how many will join a Kibbutz thorc. They are now sitting and waiting in the hope of getting a cortificato. Among this first group was a ohr.vor who Mas in England in I lay and Juno of this year, sono chaverirn may havo mot him, 110 is also in Moxico now.
I was surprised and a little shocked, to learn that that the Kibbutz had to .havo on eversoor to see that the chavcrim do their work This overseer, a Moxican, has apparently been put there by the Zionist owner of the land. Their conditions, I must admit, aro very difficult indeed, and only a consolidated group can succeed.
Their spirit, under the circumstances, is excellent and in tho: ovening we had a littlo shirah and some dancing, we exchanged songs and dances, of which thoy know vory many. Ono of thorn played the guitar, I felt much better than I had been fueling over since I loft Newport.
Now, lot me say a littlo about the actual work. I had occasion to help them sow beetroot and harvest maize on Sunday morning. They work half a day on Sunday and have Saturday free I must say that the work is by no moans easy. Vogetables. and in fact most crops, areANNIVERSARY OF THE HISTADRUT
THE ENGLISH HECHALUTZ IN WARTIME
דבר
החלוץ
DECEMBER, 1944
KISLEV
A TASK FOR HECHALUTZ
IN THE KIBBUTZ MOVEMENT
PUBLISHED BY HECHALUTZ B’ANGLIA
D’VAR HECHALUTZ
CONTENTS Page
Anniversary of the Histadrut R. Meisels 3
Notes at Random . . Serem Sehavi .. 7
The English Hechalutz in Wartime M. Margolis .. 11
Kibbutz Hakorim—The Mining Kibbutz I. Ellman 14
IN THE MOVEMENT
Education Towards Histadrut R. Gruneberg .. 16
A Task for Hechalutz A. Wroczlawski 20
Vocational Training G. Heilbrunn .. 23
A Letter to the Editor V. Riebenfeld . . 26
IN THE KIBBUTZ MOVEMENT . . S. Bloch 28
THE MOVEMENT EVERYWHERE 34
HECHALUTZ B’ANGLIA Organisation of Jewish Pioneers for Palestine Bloomsbury House, Bloomsbury Street, London, W.C.I. Telephone : Museum 6811.
3
Is not the Jewish year, and still more so the "Zionist" year, full of anniversaries? Sometimes one is almost depressed by the feeling that ye are living only on memories of the past. There are anniversaries of the founda-tion of institutions or settlements, birthdays of the great men, pioneers, settlers and thinkers, commemorations of important events - all to he cele-brated or mourned. The year seems more than full of them.
nevertheless, the anniversary of the foundation of the Histadrut, twenty-four years ago, is an event yell worth remembering. For the Histadrut is not a "dead thing of the past". To feel the ties that connect us with it-, no mental or emotional effort is needed - as may bo the case with other subjects of commemoration. The Histadrut is alive, still in development, perhaps only at the beginning of its role in history. It belongs to the present and future at least as well as to the past.
Apart from Its being numerically the most Important organised body within the Jewish Yishuv in Palestine, its contribution to the Yishuvיs development has been, and still is, quite out of proportion to its numerical preponderance. Its influence has, In fact, premeated all branches of Jewish life in Palesti-ne. From the Yishuv, the Histadrut has extended an increasing influence on the Zionist Movement and on great parts of the Jewish people in the Golah*
All this was not due to cleverly conducted "propaganda", to taotical tricks or to a "dictatorship" as some have asserted who have viewed this growing influence with suspicion. It was due, before all, to the unique mission in Jewish life which the Histadrut has assumed.
Before the Jewish Labour Movement came into being, the social content of Zionism was buried deep down under a layer of religious and national sen-timent. If we trace the history of Zionism back through the ages past - as It can be traced from Yehuda Halevi Up to "Chibbath Zion" in the last can-tury - we will find that it v/as never capable, owing to the circumstances of the time, to visualise the return of the Jews to Palestine in its full social meaning. It was only the Labour Movement which understood that the geogra-phical transfer from the Golah to Palestine has to be accompanied by a tran-sition from the unproductive Diaspora'i-existence to a creative working life in Eretz Israel. The conception of Zionism was raised from the -rather un-specified - "return" to the idea of transformation of the people within the process of return. The Labour Movement took upon itself to bring this trans-formation into existence and created the Histadrut as the main instrument with which to materialise its vision.
ANNIVERSARY of the
by R. MEISELS HISTADRUT
- 4 -
The conference at which the Histadrut was founded twenty-four years ago, took place at Haifa- at that time a rather insignificant little torn, with an undeveloped port and a population of seme twenty-five thousand inhabitants.
The stage was set on the lofty heights of Mount Carmel - a few hundred wor-kers, the average age no more than twenty-five to thirty years - crowded to-gether in a wooden hut. They had come from the roadbuilding camps, from the few and ' i solated Wokkors Settlements , from the towns which were just begin-ning to develop. Many of them had only a few months ago arrived in the coun-try after a perilous journey through war-stricken Husain, the Caucasus and the Anatolian Mountains, These were "Trumpeld ’sBachurim", the first arri-vals of the Russian Hechalutz, Others, their faces wrinkled by many years of work in the burning sun, had passed through fever and hunger in the "colonies" and survived the persecutions of the Turkish Police during the four years of war. They were the" old" gene rat ion., the founders of the Kvutza and of "Hasho-mer", They were a tough, hard-bitten little crowd - and their conference was not one of "Delegates", arriving by train with important looking faces and big cases under their arms.
The procedure of the conference was equally informal. No agenda with pa-ragraphs and a timetable had been arranged beforehand - the only item to be discussed was; shall there be an all-embracing organisation of the Jewish wor-ker in the country or not ? Each got up and had his say according to what his Chaverim in the camp or in the settlement had told him to express in their name. There was one amongst them, a man with a round face and a huge tuft of black hair, who could not refrain from interrupting continuously ami was time and again told by the chairman to stop disturbing the conference. His name was Brenner, a writer' and teacher who wielded an enormous influence on the minds of the young workers in the country. When the conference had come to a successful conclusion, after debates of three days and nights, the whole dissolved itself into one unending, danco, wild and fanatic: Horn. "How good and pleasant - brethren are dwelling together" - the words of the psalm were sung to the rythm of the stamping feet. "When dram broke, Brenner got up on the platform and spoke of the found brotherhood that embraced than all, in spite of different beliefs, of different pasts - "brethren are dwelling to-gether!"
At that time, the day was carried by those who believed in the fundamen-tal mission of labour in society and were therefore inclined to regard di:f~ ferences of ideology and creed as within the class as matters of secondary importance. The Histadrut was shaped as the Chevrat Ovdim , the"COMMUNTITY OF LABOUR", according to the formula of Ben Gurion, as the frame work embrao-ing all expressions of life of the Jewish worker in Palestine.
There is of course no mystery about the fact that the Histadrut still plays, and will continue to play in the future, so largo a part in tho form-ing of Jewish Palestine, The historic task it has undertaken is still far from being completed. On the contrary, the need for solving the problem of Jewish homelessness and of transforming the people in the process of its
settlement in the country, has grown manyfold since the days of the confe-rence in Haifa.
In the course of twenty-four years the Hiatadrut has become the main in-strument of the Jewish workers in the building of the country, in the crea-tion of a new society and in the defence of his rights. It deals with the professional struggle, conducting colonisation, fostering mutual aid amongst its members, looking after the education of the young generation, supervis-ing and controlling co-operatives and covering a wide field of cultural ac-tivities. Its range of work is, in fact, much wider than that of a normal Trade Union and benefits in many ways the whole of the Jewish Yishuv in Pa-lestine.
This variety of tads and activities finds its expression of course not only in the existence of a great number of institutions and committees serv-ing the various purposes, but also in the life of every Chavor of the Hista-drut. For him the Histadrut is not a complex structure of departments and organisations but a soiety in which he spends his life. For the wage-ear-ners in town and colony those organs of the Histadrut which deal with the distribution of work amongst members are of course of predominant importance.
In the evenings, one always finds large groups of workers standing in front of the "Batei Hapoalira" and in the corridors, discussing the day’s work and the prospects for to-morrow. Apart from waiting for their allocation, the "evening stroll" in front of the Beth Hapoalim is a kind of social reunion, a sort of open-air club. Many Chaverim are also members of the various commit-tees, sections and sub-sections, and many others crowd in the committee rooms to listen to the deliberations. The same applies of course to the Chaveroth who in addition may participate in the meetings of "Women Workers’ Councils", or the" Section of working mothers."
Apart from this there are of course many other activities of the Hista-drut, which directly or indirectly touch the life of the individual Chaver.
He may have his savings in the local "Workers’ Savings Bank": in the case of illness he or members of his family go to the "Workers’ Sick-Fund", where they receive medical attention and, if necessary, sickness benefits; in case of permanent disablement or reaching of old age, various institutions of־, the Histadrut take care of him. His children may go to the school of the Hista-drut. Often even his entertainment is provided by the Histadrut, e.g. the Theatre "Ha-Ohel". Week after week the lecturers of the "Adult Education Coun-oil" of the Histadrut tour towns, villages and settlements, speaking on a great variety of subjects.
The news comes to him through the paper of the Histadrut "Davor" . In addition there are the numerous papers of the various parties and sections within the Histadrut which provide information of developments and which in-fluence his opinions.
The same, or almost the same, applies to the members of the agricultu-ral settlements. They, too, are interested in. what is ,going on in the La-tour Councils nearest to their settlements, as they, in addition to the work on their own farm, are often dependent on outside work, Their settlement is under the control of the Executive of the "Agricultural Workers' Union" which not only looks after their Interests as agricultural workers hut also after their interests as settlers. The Executive of the "Agricultural Workers'
Union" is in fact the body that takes the ultimate decision about which group of Ohaverim of the Histadrut is the next to he settled on the land, and after the settlement has been initiated they supervise the development of the settle-ment and advise on the drawing up of the plans. The produce of the settlement is marketed by the Histadrut Co-operative "Tnuvah", most of the materials need-ed on the farm and in the Kibbutz are supplied by the Histadrut Co-operative "Hamashbir". They, of course, also benefit from the Sickness-Fund and the various other organisations of mutual aid as well as from the cultural acti-vities conducted by the Histadrut.
Another aspect is important. In cases of difference of opinion between members of the Histadrut or between single members end institutions, the case in dispute can always be brought before a "Court of the Histadrut". As far as organisational matters are concerned the "Central Control Commission" has an over-riding authority over all the various institutions and elected bodies of the Histadrut.
FOR US, THE CHALUTZ MOVEMENT IN THE GOLAH,THERE -EXISTS STILL MOTHER REASON WHY THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE HISTADRUT IS WORTH REMEBERING, AS WE ALL HOPE IT WILL BE IN HOT TOO DISTANT A FUTURE THAT WE OURSFLVES WILL ENTER INTO THE RANKS OF THE HISTADRUT AHD PARTICIPATE FULLY ITT ITS PULSATING LIFE. THIS IS THE REASON WHY UE HAVE TRIED DURING ALL THESE YEA AS TO BUILD OUR HEOHALUTZ ORGANISATION AS A "HISTADRUT UNDER WAY". LET US HOPE THAT IT TILL BE WORTHY OF BEARING THIS NAME.
- 7 -
The ancient Jewish desire to "be "Kechol Hagoyim" - like all the na-tions - unhappily very often finds its expression, in the negative. We are still some way off "being like all other nations, owing to the politi-cal constellation of which we are but a small and rather unimportant star in the political firmament, How we have our terrorists - Kechol Hagoyim -but, unlike other nations, not the power and possibilities to deal with them. These terrorist activities are only one very small part, but never-theless a symptom, of this negative side of the pictiure of present-day Jewry and its appalling situation. The most tragic expression of this ne-gative side is the political despotism, which every tiny group of Jews who choose to speak in the name of "Jewry", "Jewish religion" or the "Hebrew Nation", can exert. In this respect groups of Jewish Assimilationists "terrorise" Jewry, as the Terrorists want to "assimilate" Jewry to methods which we abhor, It is but one side of the coin: the exploitation of a political situation, when half the Jewish people have been cut off from the Jewish tree of life - as Berl Katznelson put it - and the other half are struggling to survive. There is not yet a national organism coupled with national and State-power to speak and act in the name of the people. As long as this does not exist we shall have to expect attacks from all sides -within and without - to undermine the roots of this tree of Jewish life, without being able to defend ourselves adequately and effectively.
In view of Jewry’s plight, it is no small wonder that the Jewish people lack national discipline and unity of action. In the past the Yishuv has very often been exemplary and shown that these characteristics are not un-attainable for Jews - although there is still ample room and necessity for improvement. But in a process of national consolidation in which the most varied types of Jewry - varied from all points of view - participate, unity of purpose and action and national discipline are at the same time both ab-solutely necessary and almost impossible to achieve. The question of nation-al discipline, party discipline, group discipline, individual discipline -it's necessities and limitations - have, of late, been the crux of the prob-lem in the development of the Jewish people in its national autonomy. Were it not for this, the recent split within the Palestine Labour Movement might, perhaps, have been averted. The establishment of a Jewish Commonwealth will give to the Jewish Nation a lever for further national self-education to-wards political maturity. It will give to the Nation as a whole the neces-sary authority to state its mind and act towards those groups of Jews who try
mm
NOTES AT RANDOM
By SEREM-SEHAVI
to undermine the Jewish tree of life
The national discipline of the Jewish people, the Yishuv and its corn-portents, will have to stand difficult trials and solve numerous questions in order to successfully establish a Jewish Commonwealth. A number of most important economic, social, political, cultural and educational questions will give rise to vehement clashes of opinion.
The recent differences of opinion in connection with the education -religious or non-religious - of hundreds of Jewish orphans who recently ar-rived in Eretz Israel - is only a small instance. What will be the place of Jewish religion in a Jewish Commonwealth? Especially in view of the close connection between Jewish national life and Jewish religion in the past, this problem will not be easy to solve. It would be far from true to say that until now a satisfactory solution has been found in Eretz Israel, either for the religious or the non-religious parts of the Yishuv. With the establishment of a State this question will develop into a national di-lemma. Will Jewish religion be a "State-religion" as Islam in Egypt or Catholicism in Spain? Will it be a matter of individual choice and left to one’s conscience to decide which religion "to choose", if any? How will State schools teach :religion, if at all: how much will State institutions be guided or influenced by it? The question is still more important, as Jewish religion - in its original form - is exacting and covers many fields of Jewish life; with a code of lav־, direction in education, hygiene, nourish ment, social justice and many other aspects of life, (The question of "religious minorities" - Moslem or Christian - will be relatively easier to solve from the religious point of view. Given equal rights of citizenship, freedom of worship and protection of their respective holy place, a. satis-factory solution of their religious question may be found),


I cannot agree with the conclusions W.M. draws, when dealing with the split in the Palestine Labour Movement - ("D'var Hechalutz, November 1944), I understand that we should not judge rashly, wo should "collect all the available evidence, sift it and sort it out". But I am afraid that his advice - or this advice only - will produce just the opposite of what we want and need: going into these questions and trying to get acquainted with the problems of Eretz Israel and the working Yishuv, Under present conditions I am much less afraid that we judge rashly, than that we do not judge at all. These questions often seem too far from us, too complicated to wade through, and perhaps sometimes too "provincial". It is possible that a very sound educational principle - to judge as objectively and critically as possible -
9
turns out to have extremely bad educational effects: no judgment at all -because we are not in a position to judge objectively or critically enough.
If possible, our approach to these questions should be to try and judge - but not as partisans, rather as individuals. I know that this too, is extremely difficult, But why should it be impossible to single out each question about which disagreement within the Palestine Labour Movement is known to us, and judge this question - or complex of questions - according to its merits. There are a number of questions where an analysis and sub-sequent judgment can help us to be informed and clarify our attitude - even without taking part in the party struggle, which may be a consec-uent neces-sity of political life in Erets Israel, but need not be here.
When discussing the "Future of Hechalutz" at the last Merkaz meeting, one could certainly feel the change of atmosphere and the development which Hechalutz has undergone in the last few months. Hot only that our future tasks do not seem to be so far off any inoro - even the trickle of Aliyah means much to a movement which, for years, has been without any Olim - but itmwas quite evident that much of the future of Hechalutz in this country depends upon the Youth movements - Habonim and Hashomer Hatzair.
Some chaverim stressed that the Chalutz movement in this country would gain much from a further unification between these two movements in this country. There certainly is some difference of approach, of educational ways and even of educational aim, between these two movements - but it does not need much phantasy to imagine even these two divergent movements within the common framework of one large unified chalutzic Youth movement.
It would be worth while to go into the question of whether and what, the Chalutz movement in this country would gain from such an Ichud - or whether important and necessary educational, social or political values could be lost through it.
But I hold, alas, that this will mainly have an academic interest. Hashomer Hatzair cannot possibly make a free decision of its own in this country - even if they would take a favourable view of an Ichud. They are bound to the Party line, even in questions which have no immediate or direct relation to our problems (i.e, the treatment of Germany, see Michtav Kesher of H.H.) they are bound to follow suit. How, then, can they be expected to discuss freely an Ichud between Youth Movements in this country, which, of necessity, could not include a number of their basic principles and would have to be on a broader basis?
10 -
We should make a note of the establishment and activities of two orga-nisations which were founded in this country not long ago. "HaOved" and the group for "Professional and Technical Workers' Allyah". The object of both groups is to organise immigration to Palestine, of workers in trades, industry and professions. Both groups want to co-operate with the institutions of the Jewish Agency in order to organise their activities and adviso their mem-bers. "HaOved" intends to encourage the formation of small co-operatives of these tradesmen or professional and industrial workers and wants to do it within the framework of the Histndruth.
The formation of groups like these is an encouraging sign and the Zion-ist Movement will welcome it. It shows that there are now a number of Zionists in this country to whom Zionism moans the transfer of their porson-al lives and interests from the Goluth to Erots Israel. Hechalutz too, should welcome such a development - but I deem it right to point cut a dan-ger which may develop in the course of their existence. As long as these groups comprise a great number of Jews of this country, who ,are about 30 and 35 or 50 years of age and who arc craftsmen, industrial workers or profes-sional men of one sort or another, who want to carry on their work in Eretz Israel, it will be all to the good, provided the necessary arrangements with the national and workers' institutions arc made. But there are younger Jews, up to 30 or even 35 years of age - an age still "eligible" for Hachsharah and for a Chalutsic life in Eretz Israel. To them these groups may offer an "alternative" which is easier and more according to the wishes of the indi-victual than the cumbersome and more difficult way of the Chalutsic life,
We know fairly well that it is a principle inherent in the development of organisations, that they tend to develop an "ideology" and broaden their scope - sometimes much further than the initial principle or necessities in-dicated. As Jews are being demobilised from the Forces these may be the first practical instances, What will a young Jew who wants to go to Eretz Israel do? Hechalutz should be quite clear - and 30 should the Zionist Movement as a whole - that the place of every young Jew who is physically fit and who wants to connect his personal life with that of the Yishuv - is in the Chalutz Movement and the Chalutz Movement should demand his participation in it.
(Plans for co-operation between Hechaluts and HaOved are being discussed and worked out. Ed. Nate),
In August 1939, Hechaluta in England had reached its peak point of a-chievement as a separate Chalutz organisation. Its leadership "by that time had become almost indistinguishable from Habonim, and participated in the sue-mer camps of Habonim, which consisted of 1,200 Chaverim, 400 of whom were in the Yatikim camp. Chaveria came from Hachsharah to participate in the organi-sational and educational work of the Camp. It was here that the educational basis was laid, which made possible the building up of the Chalutz activity in Habonim during the war years.
On September 1st, 1939, two days before the war was declared, the last Aliyah of English Chaverim left London for Palestine, The whole movement was oppressed by the thought of the war. The question everyone asked was how would it be possible to continue our activities in the face of the overwhelming on-tastrophe, which was threatening the whole world. Our work became clouded by the thought of the impending doom hanging over large masses of Jews on the Continent, and the knowledge that this would mean the disintegration of the ־ wide Chalutz movement on the Continent,
The new and inexperienced movement such as was the English Hechalutz, whose links with Palestine were still very slight, whose contact with the broad masses of our people and the effectively organised Continental movement were still very scanty, wondered how far it would be possible to maintain the hope of personal Aliyah and to broaden the spirit of Chalutziuth among a wider circ-le of English Jewish youth. Plans for the future were impossible to make; no-one here had ever lived through a period of a great world war, no-one could tell how the re-organisation of civilian and military life in England, would affect the work of our movement. The guiding principles of our work could not be clearly established. We recognised that only the adherence to a clear aim of our movement was possible, Hachsharah and Aliyah were the ends towards which we must work. The means to achieve these ends were left to the personal initia tive and endurance of our Chaverim. It was necessary for each Chaver to become whatever the increasingly varied conditions demanded, and it was in this spi-rit that Chalutz youth in England, entered the testing- time of the war period.

ICHUD
THE ENGLISH HECHALUTZ
By M. MARGOLIS ^
° ר ^)■1
In the middIe of 1940, the Germans "broke through on the Western front.
the position became indeed very "black, and in a little while we began to ex-perionce the Blits on England. It was a miracle that the movement came through this period more or less intact, beginning from the day when a Chavor at the David Edar Farm came into the Chadar Ochel one evening and asked whether Cha-verim could tell him what was the curious red glow that was hanging over Lon-don. The whole of the chevra came out of the Chadar Ochel and from the top of a hill watched the flames of burning London, The next morning a Chavor was sent to London to try and contact the families of the .rest of the Chave-rim, to find out whether they were allright. The Blitz lad to the great eva-cuation from the big towns, and in a week, all the work of the past 7 or 8 years was brought to nothing, Whole groups disappeared overnight, scattered in tiny groups, or individually. Children and youth were to be found in small villages and tiny hamlets. The whole educational, structure of the movement disappeared. A small group of Chaverim was sent cut to try and find where these children were, and to start some educational work among those children wherever possible.
It was then that the diea of the opening of hostels was born. It is not the purpose of this article to go into the technical means whereby the new forms of organisation grew up in our movement, except to say that even though the call-up of 90 of our most active Chavorin took place, it was still pos-sible to find the personnel capable of adapting themselves to unfamiliar con-ditions and to take the initiative in the creation of new ways for our move-ment, At the beginning of 1940, the farm which was our only point of Hachsha-rah, was threatened with closure. The Committee which had supported our Hach-sharah met, and decided that wartime was not the tiro to continue our activi-ties in training for Palestine, and suggested a withdrawal of all financial support for the David Edar Farm. This was indeed a great blow for the farm had run as a subsidised Hachsharah ever since its beginning in 1935, and we had no clear conception as to how the farm: could be made to pay its way with-out outside financinl support. We also at this time, were in debt to the tune of about £ 1500. We told the Committee that we would promise to maintain the farm as a self-supporting unit if they would be responsible for the debt.
This they promised to do, and so we were enabled to continue with our Hach-sharah activities. This was of the utmost importance to us, as of the very few active Chnverira left to us in the movement, many of them were at that time on Hachsharah.
It soon became clear that the mere maintenance of activity would not gua-rantee the existence of our movement throughout ahe war, whose end we could not see for a very long time, and the movement, if it was to live, had to ran in-tain its dynamic nature. All yah being closed to us, we had to turn our ener-gios towards the broadening of Hachsharah. This also was for us an entirely new sphere of activity. Until that time our Hachsharah was made up of people between the ages of 19 and 22. We had never considered Hachsharah for any-one younger than 18, and as the Chnverim of 18 and over wore now all in the Army, it became necessary, if we were 10 continue Hachsharah at all, to ao-cept Chaverim at much lover ages. Very unsure of ourselves, we established a group of young Chaverim of Kabonim, at a farm in Lincolnshire. Their ages
13 ־
ranged from 14 to 18, without a Madrich, in fact, with, no-one with them at all who had any experience of collective living or of agricultural work. At the beginning, we did not call this a Hachsharah, but merely an agricultural training scheme, No suggestion as hazy as this could result in any tangible achievement to the movement. The technique in its establishment was bad.
The blind alley which it suggested to its Chaverim gave no purpose to their work. The result was that it was decided to take this group away from the very bad conditions in whichthoy were living, and establish them as a Hach-sharah group in a situation which gave them an opportunity to develop as a chevra. This was done at the end of 1940, when the group moved to Chivers.
We in England have had no experience of either Youth Hachsharah or Mittleren-Hachsharah, and had to find our way in this new activity. The nucleus of this group has stayed together from the beginning, and around it has grown a Kib-butz Hachsharah which has been stabilised through tine.
The end of the Blitz and the return of the children to the big towns left us with two great achievements - the Batim,-the Hostels- which had prov-ed themselves the only real form of evacuation which gave a completely "Jewish surrounding to the child, and also the possibilities for educational work to-wards Zionism and Chalutsiuth. The existence of the Hostels gave possibili-ties for Madrichim to evolve and put into practice new educational methods which will provide valuable experience for the movement when it once again becomes possible to broaden the basis of the children’s movement throughout the whole country.
In this period, we had also established centres of Habonim activity, which, were new: to the movement. Where groups of children were living toge-ther in small towns, young Chaverim took the necessary action in establish!-ing groups of Habonim, very often without the help of older Chaverim or of the central organs of the movement. The possibility to re-introduce broader educational work in the larger towns found the movement ill-equipped to cope with this situation. Our Madrichim as a body were non-existent. A whole generation had been taken out of our movement, and the younger Chaverim who normally would have taken over their work had not yet reached the educatio-nal level which would make them capable group-leaders. This meant that the educational level throughout the movement as a whole became lower, although I should say that the degree of responsibility of Chaverim, even though they were younger, increased.
It was during this time that Continental Chaverim began to play an in-creasingly important part in the educational work of Habonim. The need on their part to create a dynamic movement was expressed first of all in the early days through individual participation in the activities of Habonim, and after an interval of nearly two years, the attempt to create educatio-nal work amongst youth who were exclusively Continental. This work , paral-lei with that of Habonim, brought about a realisation of the unity of pur-pose in this Chalutzic task, between the English movement with great pos-sibilities of educational work but very little forces to carry it out, and the newer Continental movement, with smaller possibilities for work but grea-ter educational experience and forces. The realisation on the part of Habo-
- 14
nim and Mishmar Habdninj of their need for each other made very easy the Tchad between these movements, and this Ichud brought into the orbit of Heםhalutz this broad rambling ad hoc structure known as "English Habonim",
We can say that the English Chalutz movement withstood a very severe testing time, and in their work for Chalutziuth found themselves stronger in 1944 then they were in 1929. The future of the movement becomes more se-cure as the war draws to its close, but the peace will bring new opportuni-ties and with it new responsibilities to the Chalutz movement of England.
We have achieved almost a complete unity of Chalutzic forces in England. We must use this new power to evolve a technique which will bring to our work as broad a mass of Anglo-Jewish youth as it will be possible for us to reach.
Although our Kibbutz has been in existence barely two years, it is not until we began our own Kibbutz here in Stalybridge that wo can speak about any independent development and internal consolidation. As is popularly known, the conditions under which we work and live as a collective are not in effect very ideal, The fact that our Chaverim are not employed in agri-culture, but are working mainly in industrial jobs, down the pit, plumbing etc., and the fact that the Kibbutz exists near a large town, have been two problems besides many others, which have contributed to the retardment of our group.
Here in Stalybridge we are confronted on the one hand with the reality of strengthening the Kibbutz internally, and on the other hand attempting to solve many problems, bearing on ns from external sources.
The most ideal situation for a Kibbutz to consolidate itself and to de-velop internally, to establish its own forms and customs, to create success-ful Tarbut activity, is for the Kibbutz to exist in relative isolation, to have no other responsibilities bar those of its own interests. This posi-tion, especially in the present critical times is a utopian one, and one that exists purely in theory. The reality that faces us to-day is one as outlined above. That reality is such that the Kibbutz has to develop, taking into account the many other very important tasks of the movement"
One of these tasks that we see as a necessity for the future strength of the Chalutz movement in England is the propagation of our ideas and the continuous chain of Chalutzim through the educational Youth Movement. We feel a certain sense of responsibility to Jewish youth and to the Chalutz movement to assist in its future development. Therefore, being in the pre-
KIBBUTZ HAKORIM
the Minina Kibbutz
BY I. ELLMAN
- 15
cincts of a_ " large city with a large Jewish population, we have taken upon ourselves to help the Youth Movement by sending Madriohim, by prepur-ing Neshafim and so on. It is a generally accepted, principle that a Kibbutz can develop much more if its Chaverim strive after a common aim and a common task. This are are in the process of achieving. Me have set ourselves both the necessary task of assisting in the movement work, and that of strengthen-ing the internal structure of our Kibbutz.
Our Meshok, unfortunately, is very small. The produce that has been reaped from this year’s efforts has also boon small, whereas an agricultu-ra.l Kibbutz can depend to a large extend for its kitchen needs on its Moshek, and for assistance financially, wo are in the unfortunate position of lack-ing this source. Consequently, we have lost this one means of lightening our expenditure. The winter is approaching, and a winter spent in the sur-roundings of Manchester at the foot of the ?ermines, is a winter that bodes
ill, both literally and metaphorically speaking. 'To are assured of a dofini-
te income for each individual Chaver. Me'do not work under the assumption that a Chaver may get the sack, because this is most unlikely in view of the
coal situation. But we have to work end plan with a definite loss of wages
in mind" due to the high possibility of illness and accidents.
Our social relationships with the miners, although they have been ex-pressed before in other places, must again be written about here. J, for one, believe that it has never happened before in the history of the Cha-lutz movement that a Kibbutz has had such contact with the real industrial proletariat. The effect that this will have on the proletarianisation of the Chaverim will be great. They will becoe workers, both politicslly and socially conscious. The change-over, in what we hope will be the near fu-ture, to agricultural work will ensure that they develop into agricultural proletarians, who are really class-conscious and conscious of the role they have to play in the achievement of our Socialist aims.
Our life and work in the pit has been difficult at all times. The work is hard, and Chaverim sometimes have to work under a strain, due to the attitude of some of the miners. The-se few are avowedly anti-Semitic, and this is the cause of many arguments and conflicts between our Chaverim. and these pit workers. Political questions of the day are approached by them in a very negative way and our Chaverim have a very hard time convincing them: in a discussion. But as I stated before, this contact and discussion with basic industrial wor-kers has heightened our -political cons-ciousnoss and makes us really aware of of the social tendencies and conditions.
16
By R, GRUNGBERG
Each Ohanuka we celebrate the foundation of the Histadrut, the Organi-sat ion of Jewish Workers in Palestine, and this seems a fitting occasion to call to our mind the fact that we, the Hechalubz Movement, educate towards active membership in the Histadrut, that this constitutes our main educatio-nal aim and that we have to judge the work of all groups and movements work-ing with us by the degree to which they advance to this goal.
How can we carry out this education in spite of our difficulties, in spite of the fact, that we are a long distance from the country in which the Histadrut acts, that we have to be content with the fact that a great many of our Chaverim will not be able to see this reality nor play a part in it for 0 long time to come? Histadrut is a class organisation. How can vie in-duce young Chaverim from a bourgeois background to gain the pride and the will to identify themselves with such an organisation? If we regard the Histadrut as a Trade Union in a far distant country, as a framework in which political issues are. fought out, and the Hechalutz as the organisation con-trolling immigration of young people who have to enter Palestine under a certain schedule, then our outlook is indeed black.
There is now, amongst young Jewish people a great admiration for the achievements of the toiling masses in many countries, foremost of the Rus-sian working class which created the Red Army, but also enthusiasm for the struggle of the Yugoslav, French and Italian workers in this war, It seems indeed, that after a period of cynicism, young socialists have found some-thing to admire and that enthusiasm embraces not only the young proletarian, but carries with it also a great part of the young generation. The long-ing to help in the creation of the new society which seems to be forming itself, coupled with the ardent wish to help in relief and rescue, will be-come increasingly stronger as the war draws to its close. This is fertile ground for our education. But before we can utilise these leanings in Jew-ish youth for our great work, we have to direct these energies from non-commital generalities to the sector of the general struggle of the workers where Jewish youth - and Jewish youth alone - can help; to our S0cia-list - Zionist work in Eretz Israel.
Two features are of outstanding value in Socialist education; the ex-perience of the class struggle for freedom and the experience of Socialist

IN THE MOVEMENT

EDUCATION TOWARDS HISTADRUUT
- 17 -
construction. The Histudrut is for the Jewish working class the embodiment of both. That males it different from other workers' organisations. It is neither a pure trade union movement nor a cooperative solely, not controlled by the state, hut handling work of social importance which is in other coun-trie's the burden of governmental departments; it does not administrate the Yishuv, but is responsible for all issues concerning the Tishuv, the Zionist movement and the Jewish people as a whole. Yet the scope of the work of the Histadrut is much larger. In the words of the author of "Megillath Hahista-drut":
"Wherever a peg is driven into the ground, wherever a plough "breaks a furrow, the great library in the city, the c0-ope-"rative shop, the bus in a far away corner of the country -"all this is the Histadrut."
The foundation of the Histadrut and its.early history gives us a clue to the riddle of what the Histadrut is. It serves to show? that with the dif-ficulties facing the Olia at that time, with the experience of social unrest in Russia and with their Zionist determination, they had to forge a weapon which would serve for their struggle and which would at the same time help
them in their fight for a reasonable standard of living enabling them both
to stay in the country and tc preparo the way for the masses to follow. To this end great, and not only material sacrifices were necessary, but a great deal of good will and preparedness to accept Chaverim with different opinions as members of she new organisation. Hot only to tolerate them, but to be rea-dy to fight.with them - this was the broadmindedness continually demanded.
After the formation of the Histadrut the upbuilding of Zrets Israel is to a great extent the story of the expansion of the Histadrut. In considering this we must learn the way the Histadrut acts: its fundamenta11y
democratic constitution. We have to study its logisla-
tive, executive and controlling bodies, the elections, the workings of the 10-cal workers’ councils etc, It is possible to dissect the body of the Histadrut into two part’s, trade union and co-operative. With younger Chaverim it is a good plan to prepare a chart, in which this division is carried out. Talks on the Histadrut can then be based largely on this chart, and. if this is il-lust rated with significant pictures and contains a low figures, this can be a very good means of education. Tnore is an advantage in ovary group preparing its own diagram as it goes along, but Hochalutz could do worse than to issue such a chart in print .
The analysis of the institutions and undertakings of the Histadrut, even if it fills us with respect, does not give a. sufficient picture of the living force behind it all. For this we need insight into the fact, that the Hista-drut is a political body, that all its work is justified mainly by its politi-cal aims. We have to show Chaverim, which political aims are common to all sections and parts of the Histadrut,
After we have learned about the practical, educational and political work of the Histadrut and its theoretical basis, do we need to give details
־18־
about sectional differences within the ranks of its Chaverim? The answer seems to me to he in the positive. when we give the reality of the life of the Hi-stadrut, we must recognise that there is a disagreement as to the right, inter-protation of the goal and as to the best- way of ־achieving its realisation. The educational question is rather: in which way should we give the facts about, these differences? Is the polemic, as we find it in Eretz Israel fit for our specific educational purposes? within certain limits the answer to that can bo positive too. A practical example: the other day material, posters and hand-bills were sent to me from the last elections of the Histadrut. Many wore very striking as to set-up and colours, some were written in German, others in Yid-dish, some addressed certain sections of the working population, for instance Olim from the near East, They were representative of all parties. T showed this to some people and explained it to them ind it was clear by their reaction and the ensuing discussion that this can be a constructive way to show the Hi-stadrut as a living force, not narrowed into regimentation of opinion or polite abstention from speaking one's mind, but a body in which there are many opini-ons, strongly and freely expressed. But to understand the differences between them, knowledge of the problems of the country is necessary. Only by knowing the setting of all this can we understand what is at stake, end why the diffe-rences are expressed in that particular way.
There is a wide difference between this and the spreading of rumour and cheap propaganda, the fabrication of half-truths and the over-simplification of political issues in favour of one grouping. People who fight against in-elusion of political controversy in Chalutz education are sometimes the same people who use these questionable means, While introducing differences and without hiding opinions, a feeling of respect for the other point of view has to be, preserved along with the consciousness that the other part belongs to the Histadrut too. How to deal tolerantly with an opposing minority and vice ver-sa, how. to fight for one's views inside a workers' organisation as an opposing minority is a very good thing to learn. Our own meetings should be of no small help to this end.
This leads to another question: the youth movements within Hechalutz, playing a leading part in it, aim at education for their sectors of the 11b-butz movement, What relation should this bear to the aim "education towards the Histadrut?" It is the task of the youth movements while educating for lib-butz life and ideals to stress the fact, that the Kibbutz is part of the Hi-stadrut. It strives to become its spearhead, but it does not lead the Hista-drut and never will, save by its own merits and by the degree of responsibili-ty it assumes for the rest of the workers' movement. In the Golah this means the necessity for a strong interest in Hechalutz by Chaverim of the youth mo-vemerit . It does not necessitate an attempt to persuade all Chaverin of Hecha-lutz to pledge themselves to live in one of the sectors of the Kibbutz move-ment, It is the responsibility of the Histadrut to. create a possibility for the individual Chaver to play an active part in the life of the working class in Eretz Israel, to further his education culturally and politically, Kib-butziuth in Hechalutz can for these Chaverim be a transitional, educational measure rather than preparation for a full collective life in Eretz Israel.
We must net overlook this, even if in this country the majority of Chaverim in
- 19
Kibbutz Haohsharnh. intend to live in Hibbutaim in Erctz Israel, The youth movements must take part in the brooder educational work, but for their own educational activity it seems to be advantageous to set a more limited aim: settlement at a definite place, with a definite group, connected with previ-cus Aliyah from the same country. This makes things more real and definite and is of no disadvantage when me remember that this group ns a unit will con-tinue to play its part in the community in Palestine too.
The Histadrut expresses its international solidarity in deeds. It refu-ses to make great moral capital out of this, but this side is important today, when many young Jewish people believe that they can do but very little for the international working class by preparing themselves to go to Palestine. We must show them that the little they heir to do there, is sore than all decla-rations or sporadic and isolated action possible in. the Golah,
All this has to be done, has to be taught and explained in Hechalutz and the Chaiutz y-.uth movements, But all this remains worthless if we do not edu-cate the new Chaverim to class-consciousness. The Histadrut is a class organi-sation. No one can feel a full member of this movement, or feel the desire to become a full member, if ho does not feel at one with the struggle of the working class. The choice of profession, the style of life are the most impor-tant means in this educational task, It is not always easy with people from a bourgeois background, but we must make it felt as a desirable goal, leading to a fuller and richer life and to a society in which the masses can lead a freer life. Workers' solidarity, mutual help, responsibility toward the mas-ses - these are features which, must be lived to be learned.
Wherever Jewish people are forced to take up manual occupation, wherever conditions force them to emigrate, and to Palestine perhaps as a lesser evil, the Histadrut is not necessarily strengthened, but burdened with an additional educational task. Our education towards the Histadrut must not consist solely in convincing people that our way is right. Decisions for one's life are not reached by reason only, but by feeling too. In our work in Hechalutz it must be felt, with everyone, that the Histadrut does not just offer solutions of practical problems or a basis for the solution of a political issue, but that it is a community in which it is worth living.
From this a great moral strength and loyalty will arise, which will be lasting, oven over long periods of delay and changing prosperity.
Following tho recent discussion of Kerknz Hechalutz, I should like to bring one particular point, which appears to no to be the acutest and nest important task for Hechalutz in this country, to the at ention of every Che-ver.
Chalutzim have always been a comparatively rare commodity; however, there existed a great potential reservoir of Chalutzim in Europe, especially in its Eastern parts. Because of the tragic events during recent years, this reser-voir has ceased to exist, and will net be available at a time when Eretz Is-rael will need it more than over before.
We must not deceive ourselves regarding the innod in to post-war prospects of Eretz Israel. It is not my object hore to discuss the political issues, which are, of course, of the utmost importance. I am thinking f nr: ocnomic and social problem, which will develop after the first large contingents of Jews from the Continent arrive in Eretz. Israel. Eretz Israel calls for them, and they have, in our opinion, only one place in the world to look to, which is wrilling to welcome then whole-heartedly, and where they will be able to recover from all that they have gone through; a place whera they will feel truly free human beings. We all hope that hundreds of thousands of then will be able to cone at the earliest possible moment, and wo shall do everything in our power to enable every Jew who wants to go to Eretz Israel to do so.
But let us not hide our heads in the sand about the economic and social re-percussions of this Aliyah.
The expected Olim will, in their vast majority, be neither physically nor mentally a fit element, for a country which is in its colonising stages, especially under the relatively hard conditions of Eretz Israel, They will certaiinly not he a chalutzic force. After a11 they have a one through, many of them will be physically broken; an even greater number of then will bo broken in spirit, and it will probably take years for them to recover. They will have to bo treated with special consideration, They will mostly go in-to towns; they will not be able to take up productive work in the full sense of the word; many of them will be dependent on the support of the Yishuv.
This Aliyah, to which all of us are looking forward so anxiously, will be-come an economic and social problem of the Yishuv of first magnitude.
There will be many ways of dealing with this problem. The Yishuv is pro-paring itself to be ready for this moment. A special meeting of the Vaad
A
FOR HECHALUTZ
By A. WROCZLAWKl .
- 21
Hapoel was dedicated to this question, and Kaplan elaborated plans for ac-tion. The most effective manner of dealing with this task; is a great Allyah of a productive element which, by its work and,, pioneering efforts, will, re-establish an economic and social equilibrium. The salvation of many a Jew from the Continent will depend upon the presence of others, who are willing, by their mere productive work and pioneering efforts to make it possible for Eretz Israel to absorb them.
THIS WILL BECOME THE H0ST CONSTRUCTIVE FORM OF RESCUE, AND IT IS THE DUTY OP THE SO-CALLED "FREE GOLAH" TO PERFORM THIS TASK.
In many a speech by prominent Chaverim this duty was made clear to us. This is also the background 0f Weizmann’s call to America for Chalutzim.
Great Britain is one of those few free countries from which the dfflsir-ed productive and chalutzic element can come. We must not take up the com-placen't attitude that British Jewry is too small, and that it is up to other countries to fulfil this task.
We must, therefore, not rest till we are convinced that we have really done our very best to mobilise as many young Jews as possible from this coun-try.
There will, in the very near future, arise a favourable situation for our task, provided that we are ready to make use of it. There are about 50,000 Jews in the British Forces, many of them can become Chnlutzira after demobilisation, provided that wo shall be able to approach them inw. or per manner and at the right time. After coming home, many of them will not be able or desirous of returning to their routine work. They will look for a NEW SOCIAL POSITION.
And then there is refugee youth in this country. What is to be their future? One cannot prophesy. However, there might easily arise a situation in which they will look for guidance. Let us not forget that the vast majo-rity of them have, in the course of the war, learned to work hard, and many a skilled worker can be found among them. Nobody can foresee when demobili-sation will begin, when the Essential Works Order will be abolished. The day cannot be far off. FOR THIS DAY WE LUST BE PREPARED. We have to start imme-diately to adapt our organisational framework to tackling this task.
Shall we leave it to the Youth Movements? Can we, in view of the impor-tance of this task, justify a situation in which, in one and the same town, Habonim and Hashomer Hatzair will separately endeavour to work for this pur-pose? Shall we, by divided efforts, be able to do justice to this task? It must be clear to every unbiased mind that we cannot afford to approach these Jews other than unitedly. Disunity will be a grave blow to our task, and an irritation to those people whom we want to organise. (I do know that one united Chalutz Youth Movement would have changed the position and it is my sincere conviartion that there is no justification for two Chalutz Youth .
Movements in this gauntry, but \/9 cannot wait unto 1 sue" unity is achieved/ )
I can see one solution which is straight, and which alone can answer the need of this hour, it is the closest co-operation of uabonim and Hasho-mer, within "Hechalutz", for the purpose of fulfilling essenta1 task.
I propose the following:
1) The establishment of Snifei Hechulutz in all places where one or both Youth Movements exist.
2) All Chaverim of the Youth Movements who decide on Hagshamah Atzmit - self-realisation - and who are of about 17 years of age, become members of Hochalutz and join the local Snif.
3) Young Jews, up to the age of about 35, who are not members either of Hnbonim or Hashomer, and who in virtue of their age and upbringing can-not, or do not want to join a Youth Movement, but wish, however, to go to Eretz Israel as workers, and are prepared to go to Hachsharah, should be encouraged to become members of the local Snif.
4) All members of the Snif should meet regularly.
5) Habonim and Hashomer should approach their lo-cal branches with the request that they establish a Snif Hechalutz wherever possible.
This scheme will only be successful with the whole-hearted co-operation of the Youth Movements, as it will be the task of their Chaverim to become the nucleus of the Snif. Without their very active participation, there is no hope of successful results. It is not enough for the Youth Movements merely to agree that Snifim of Hechalutz should be established without giv-ing their full assistance.
Apart from the common task within the Snif, I see an important educa-tional factor itself in the co-operation of the Youth. Movements and Stam-Chalutzim and a valuable preparation for their future common work in the Histadrut.
We cannot be satisfied with the argument that the Youth Movements are overworked. This - like the sending of Chaverim to the Brigade - is an additional task which we have to take upon ourselves as Chalutzim.
- 23 -
BY G. HEILBRUNN
The decision of the Merkas to set up a Vaadah to enquire into the ques-tion of vocational training should be welcomed as an important step in our Hachsharah. If "Hachsharah" is interpreted in its full meaning, namely as preparation for a worker’s life in Eretz Israel, as preparation for a life as Chalutzim, then vocational training with a view to the country’s needs must be of equal importance with training and preparation in other spheres.
We should not be satisfied with educating to just a "worker's" life, for we must realise that the well-being of a community, both socially and material-ly, depends largely on its capacity to compete in the economic field with other communities. As a movement we have to make it one of our tasks to give a definite lead in this direction, instead of leaving it to the indivi-dual chaver to choose this or that vocation, as he feels inclined, and which might or might not bo valuable to the upbuilding of Eretz Israel.
I very much regret however, that the scope of this Vaadah was limited to vocational training in industry only, I believe it is necessary to include at least agriculture. We must not forget that after all, agriculture is and will always be, the decisive factor within-the Jewish economy in Palestine. Moreover, we as chalutzim have a special duty in this respect, for wo are expected to create new settlements, do the foundation work of colonising the country, tho actual "pioneering", and the basis for any new settlement is its agricultural economy, I often have the feeling that we tend to take over the traditional view that, agriculture is a second rate vocation, that it is "something different", not an industry in its real sense. We should much ra-ther regard agriculture as an industry and put it on a similar footing with any other industry as far as vocational training is concerned.
Also included in the scope of the Vaadah should be a variety of vocations which can be placed neither under the heading of "industry" nor of "agricul-ture". I mean those vocations, which, although not essentially "ahalutzic" are recognised by the movement as Hachsharah in individual case’s and on their individual merits, and in which a number of chaverim are already trained or would like to be trained. I
I do not propose here to go further into the question of which vocations are of particular value, at present and in tho future, to Eretz Israel from a chalutzic point of view. This is a subject of some complexity with which the Vaadah will have to deal at length. Put I should like to show on which lines I think wo can. relate our Hachsharah to the needs of Eretz Israel in a
HACHSHARAH and Vocational Training
I
much larger degree than we have done s0 far,
*
It must be our aim to combine the specific heeds of Palestine's economy with the many possibilities of training that offer themselves to us in this country and with such suitable vocations as have already been taken up by chaverim, without neglecting other tasks of our Hachsharah. The whole of Palestine’s economy is still relatively young, and invaluable knowledge can be "transferred" by us from this country with well established and long exsoer-ienced industries. It'is not sufficient to draw up a list of vocations and to arrange for training, After a general training in this or that vocation -which in many cases will take a number of years - further training should be facilitated from the particular point of view of Palestinian conditions. Of course, wo must beware of generalising. As a movement we endeavour to corn-bine objective needs with subjective wishes and the needs of the chaver.
This question of vocational training is one that concerns the individual chaver very much and much consideration must be given him,
*
What practical steps can be taken in this matter? We must distinguish two groups of chaverim, the first comprising those who have already begun or completed a suitable training, and the second comprising those whose training is either not recognised as Huchsharah (from the vocational point of view) or who have not yet taken up any particular training, which will apply mainly to the younger chaverim.
In the case of the first group we should' have to assist chaverim in directing their training more and more towards Palestine's particular condi-tions in their respective vocations. We should try to arrange for special courses, provide the necessary literature, etc.. If special funds are needed for this purpose, I have no doubt that they can be raised. The ques-tionnaires which were recently filled in provide a good basis for placing cha-verim in vocational groups. Chaverim within one group can exchange exper-iences. We can get in touch with agricultural and industrial colleges and institutes and ask for their assistance. We must also impress on the indi-vidual chaver that he must take every opportunity to advance in this direc-tion.
As far as the second group is concerned, completely now facilities for vocational training will have to be created. In the past we were often unable to combine this with other needs of Hachshnrah. By careful planning we
should be able in future to avoid similar situations. I am convinced that a farm of our own will help greatly in this direction. For vocations outside agriculture, new Bathei Chaluta can be opened. But before doing this, let us make sure that suitable opportunities for vocational training are avail-able.
- 25 -
I would like to add a few words about the organising of courses and seminars in general. For all the work put into the agricultural seminars by those responsible for them, their results were negligible. Neither the movement as a whole has profitted, nor has the material taught fallen on very fruitful ground as far .as the. individual chaver is concerned. The reasons for this I believe, are that they were too intellectual and not practical enough; the subjects lectured were too concentrated and there were too many at a time. Instead I suggest the arrangement of a number of courses for chaverim interested in one particular subject or vocation and that those courses be made as practical as possible. In agriculture such courses could be arranged for say, dairying and breeding, or for agricultur-al machinery, etc.. Similar arrangements could be made for other vocations.
*
Finally I should, like to point out a question grossly neglected in the past: What opportunities for vocational training have cur chaveroth? This question is acute not only with many bodedoth, but also with many chaveroth in the Kibbutzim. There is the vast domestic field, about which a number of chaveroth have a fairly good idea. Yet only a few are really well trained, not to mention how few are interested in the particular needs of Palestine in their line of work. There are also good opportunities for chaveroth out-side the domestic field. We should insist on vocational training for our chaveroth as much as far the chaverim. I am thinking not only of those voca tions in which chaveroth work side by side with chaverim in Eretz Israel.
I am thinking especially of natural female occupations like nursing. And here I can give an example of how vocational training can. be directed to-wards Palestinian conditions: one of our dozen chaveroth training or trained ns a Nurse is now taking a course in tropical diseases.
This question of vocational training is one of great importance for the continuity of our Hachsharah, especially in the post war days when many new chaverim will have to be absorbed. We should not leave the solution to the few chaverim of the Vandah, but should assist them by discussing it widely,
I hope that more opinions on the subject will be voiced in order to help establish a firm basis for our future Hachsharah.
5Y W.G. LOWDERMlLK
LAND of PROMISE "

"Palestine
- 26
A Letter
TO THE EDITOR
Dear Chaver,
After reading Lari’s and Walter’s articles in the last issue of "D’var Hebhalutz" I could not help feeling that we in our Movement do not face up to our principal requirements, namely clear thinking and being able to face up to our various situations in which we may find ourselves with boldness and imagination. As Lari rightly points out chalutz influence cannot be ade-quate as long as there are several chalutz youth movements in existence, be-cause they educate more to the particular than to the common ideas of all of us. Does he and other chaverim of the same opinion, however, bear the con-soquances and suggest one Chalutzic Ycuth Mevement?
Walter on the other hand, warns and advises us to defend ourselves against what is happening in Eretz Israel, especially in the Labour Movement, If he would mean that we must have no imitation he would be right. We do
not want factions in the Diaspora, "No waste in war-time" might be an ap-propriate slogan. This, I would say, is an abnegation of a responsibility which is facing us.
As far as I can judge the situation in which we find ourselves, now, the chaverim of the corning Sixth Aliyah from the Continent, Sweden, British Commonwealth and America, 'is ono resembling the Aliyah after 1918 - the Third Aliyah. We ought to do the same job as they did, try to bring about unity in our endeavours in Eretz Israel and in the Diaspora, The chaverim who came after 1918 found the Labour Community not only split into different poli-tical groups, but also into their mutual aid organisations, Trade Unions, etc.. They were dissatisfied with tho state of affairs, because it hindered the activities of successful colonisation. From this we know, the Histad-ruth arose in 1920 and later came the Mapai, Common hopes, problems and tasks created one framework - shall we repeat this development? We are not so strong in numbers and quality, but we have to attempt to do the same job.
If we fail at least we shall have tried. To do this we must consider one important fact, not to leave the formulation of fundamental ideas and develop-raent of our policy entirely to our chaverim in Eretz Israel. We have to create a chalutzio reality of the Diaspora as against the so often quoted "reality" of Eretz Israel, Born of the realisation of the position of our shattered people, a will, a common effort and organisation, will help carry out the constructive work of redeeming our people. The following is necos-sary to accomplish this
1. To make European Jewry a vital factor in the life of cur people again, with oar participation in
a, The Jewish Brigade Group
b. Relief: medical, economic and educational, c. Restoring Hechalutz and the Youth Movement.
2. To strengthen the activities of Chevrath Ovdim through Aliyah and to further the Socialist part of the economy of the Yishuv. This should mean that all endeavours of the Hiatadruth ought to confine themselves to a common plan and direction in industry, agriculture and co-opera-tive cork.
3. To accomplish the above-mentioned tasks we have to unite our dispersed and not too strong forces. This means one Chalutz youth Movement.
If we have learned a lessen from the upheaval we are living in, it must he that youth is interested in revolutionary ideas and not in political sects. 178 want a youth movement which is "broad in its out look,
I would מat hesitate to unite with chaverim of Baohad, because they educate towards social justice and collective living. Tie can only reach this goal under one condition, that the minor groups must give up their 'kosher' attitude and stop condemning the majority of their chaverim as trai-tors. Also chaverim in Baohad must realise that the majority of modern Jew-ish youth will not accept their views on religious living. Also this youth movement must make it a rule that its Aliyah groups will go to all settle-ments wherever they are needed.
During the short tine in this country, I should say we have accomplished three things worthy of our aims and tasks.

1. The transformation of Hnbonim to a Chalutz movement,
2. The establishment of "Mishmar Habonim" - the unification of the"Con-tinental youth movement", and let it bo stated against opposition
by many people in Eretz Israel.
3. The Ichud of the English Hachsharah and the Continental in one Hecha-lutz Organisati on.
Let us add to this a United Chalutz Youth Movement, and we need it;
Shalom,
Victor Riebenfeld
BV SEEV BLOCH
Although the detailed facts and figures apply to the Kibbutz Ar-t'zi, the article indicates the difficulties Kibbutzim had to overcome in war-time and the initiatitve they used.
Artzi than at the beginning of the war.
The increased number of children as well as other changes in the Movement also caused a decrease in numbers of workers in the Meshek. At the beginning of the war, there were in the Kibbutz Artzi 927 children of Chaverim and about 70 others. To-day the number of child-fen has been trebled. whereas in 1939 v;0 had about 300 engaged in the ca re of children and in educational work, and a further 50 preparing for this kind of work, we have to-day 750 - 800 nurses and teachers with 60 - 90 more in train-ing. At the beginning of the war be-tween 40 and 50 Chavcrim were engaged in political and other public activities - to-day there are nearly 150. The abo-vc figures give a clear picture of the general trend of development.
IT IS HOT SURPRISING, THEREFORE, THAT THE DEMAND FOR MORE CHAYERIM FOR THE EXPANSION OF THE MMERICAL FRAME-HORN IS ONE HADE BY ALL TYPES OF KIB-BUTZIM TO-DAY.
Out of a total of 42 of our gib-butzira at the outbreak of war, 20 were settled and 22 wore in Moshavot (villages.) and near the towas, work-ing outside the Kibbutz. Of the 20 settled Kibbutzim 6 were classed as fully settled (i.e, not receiving subsidies from national Funds), 3 were in an intermediary position, and the remaining 11 belonged tc the "Wall and Tower" type of settlements, According to the census of October 1939 there wore in the Kibbutz Artzi 4,389 Chaverim and Chaveroth, 281 candidates, 337 members of gar'inim - nuclei of groups - that is, a working population of 5,007, The corresponding figures for October 1943 were:5,139 Chaverim, 157 can-dilates and guests, 407 members of gar'inim, 5,703 in a11. If we de-duct about 600 enlisted Chaverim in H.M.Forces, and 300 - 400 in other security units from the 1943 figu-res, we to-day find rather fewer working Chaverim in the Kibbutz
I IN THE KHBBUTZ
MOVEMENT
MAN-POWER QUESTIONS Of THE KIBBUTZ ARTZI
Structual fiquers facts
- 29
In order to make up for the shor-tage we should need another 1,500 Chaverim in the current year.
taken by "Kinussin:" a few times a year. Indeed, these Kinussim were festive 00-casions when all the Chnverim cane toge-ther from all parts. The Kibbutz in this state of dispersion, where most of the Chaveriss live in a kind of "Galut" in smail plugot, cannot weld together and t develop the group of functionaries, it cannot enlarge their circle, and it can-not exercise any control of their activi-tics, quite naturelly, in the absence of a definite Chevrn-forum for decisions, the authority of the funtionarios grew more and more. In the internal field -in Chevrn and Tarbut matters - this un-favourable state of affairs was also re-fleeted. Socia1 and persona1 connections between the Chaverim did not develop.
There was no Chevra-atmosphere, no demand-ing and educative "public opinion". There was no fusion of various parts into one social entity.
Since 1942 all Kibbutzim have been concentrated and in every one of them there is a shortage of Labour. HERE WE SHOULD URDERLINE THE ELASTICITY ADD AGI-LITY OF THE KIBBUTZ INITIATIVE. In war-time, the Kibbutzim which live on wage -labour took an important step. In every Kibbutz a firm basis was created for its independence. Thera are, for instance, some Kibbutzim in which 40 % of the Cha-verim work in workshops which are gradual-ly developing into industrial undertak-ings. If we also add the industrial un-dertaking of the Kibbutz Artzi, the trans-port and the agricultural implement branches of the Meshakim, we see that well over 50 % of all these working for
In which way did the war influ-ence the internal development of the Kibbutzim? During the first period the Kibbutz Artzi was in a bad posi-tion owing to the impact of war on the Moshavot and the resulting eco-nomic crisis. This crisis in the citrus industry threw tens of thou-sands of workers out of employment,
A little later, in 1940, came the curtailment of building activities, leading in the second year of the war to a complete stop following emergency decrees. These blows to the economic structure of Eretz Is-rael hit the young Kibbutzim mainly and forced thorn to find alternative ways of continuing their existence. Gradually, those workers who had Lost their jobs in the citrus plan-tations got work in industry, and many building workers were employed on military construction works. But these two now branches only came in-to full swing in the middle of 1941. Until then 'there was a great deal of unemployment and the Kibbutzim were compelled to split into several plu-got - small groups - and to send the-se far afield in order to find work and subsistence.
This splitting up, of course, told on the social life of the Kib-butz. There was no chance of con-selidation, there was no way to in-fluonce the development of Chaver-im. It was impossible to maintain the Assefah. As the leading and di-rooting, institution its place was
The Young Kibbutz
- 30 -
YERS OF W.R - TO CONCENTRATE MAINLY ON THE MAINTENANOE OF THE EXISTING KIB-BUTZM.
We will now pass on to the problems of recent Hityashvut, which takes place under unusual conditions. A Meshek has to be erected, branches to be developed, investments for productive and non-pro-ductive branches to be undertaken, and all this under the most difficult budget conditions. All these expensive invest-raents have an economic logic, though they are undertaken and completed with high war-time prices. This accounts fear the feverish pace in the building and development of the Meshek and demands the concentration of all Chaverim of the kibbutz at the place of Hityashvut. This again creates the housing problem which grew much worse during the war.
As the Meshek and its speedy develop-ment demanded the concentration of all Chaverim, the Kibbutz had to live under very hard conditions, which had no po-sitmive influence on the consolidation of normal relations. After a period when the Kibbutz had been longing for concentration and the return of Chaver-im to family life, everyone had anew to experience overcrowding.
There is another characteristic line in the structure of young Meshek-im. Often there are special conditions. Settlement in the hills demands con-siderable patience in the development of the keshek and the consolidation of agricultural branches, until they be-come self-supporting. In the meantime other sources of income have to be found, both for the upkeep of the Chaverim and for the development of the branches.
wages are employed in the under talc-logs of the meshakin themselves or of the Kibbutz Artzi. This is in any case a sound :aid fire basis for the economic organisation of our Kibbutzim, freeing them to a large extend from the danger of dispersion which was such a burden during the first period of their existence.
A second factor which had a do-cisive influence on the state of the Kibbutzim and their development was the CESSATION OF ALIYAH. As late as 1940 there was a small Aliyah, . mainly from the Vilna area, from Roumania and from Czechoslovakia, which was not, however, well organ-ised. This separation of the Rib-butaim from their source of "re -inforceKonts" caused considerable complications in their development and gave rise to a number of diffi-cult social problems. Of 20 Kib -butzim 0n wage labour in Moahavot and towns only 6 reached the number of 100, 8 had less than. 80 Ohaver-im and Chaveroth. Even Kibbutzim which were eligible for Hityashvut could not reach the minimum number necessary for settlement, and anal-gamations were therefore necessary.
In 1939 - 1941, 9 new Kibbutzim were founded. In the course of time, however, it was necessary for 6 of them to amalgamate with other Kib-butzin as there was no chance of increase and development.
Briefly, THE CESSATION OP ALIYAH AND THE LACK OF MEANS TO PILL GAPS AND TO SUPPLY ADDITIONAL RESERVES FORCED US - DURING THE FIRST TWO
No Aliyah
Recent Setteement
Nearly all the tine since the out-treat: of the war, there had "been discus-sions between the todies of the Kibbutz Artzi and the various Kibbutzim - espe-daily the settled ones - about their numerical framework,
To-day we have reached a number of compromises in these questions with the different types of Kibbutzim. So the old Kibbutz, based on mixed farming with irrigation, which is to-day adding its second generation to its membership,
will near the 200 mark. The Kibbutzim in the "intermediate stage-" will roach 160 Chaverim including supplemantary groups. The young settlements will re-main within the limits of 130 - 150 Chaverim.
If we had given in to the great pressure of economic needs we would have had to dissolve all the Kibbutzim in the Moahavot in order to fill up the settled Neshakin to 200 Cheverim each.
In fill our social programmes we have never tried to stop the growth of our Kibbutzim, we only rogulated the rate of growth. It should to pointed out that this policy has justified itself economically as well as socially. How-ever, tho shortage of labour, or more correctly, of Chaverim, raises some serious and difficult problems. The social responsibility of tho Kibbutzim has become greater. The Aliyah of a number of children,influx of children from outside, Hadracha of the Youth Aliyah, study courses of teachers, in-creased political tasks, mobilisation - all these have taken away dozens of Chaverim and Chaveroth mainly from the
One of the central tasks before the old Kibbutzim during the first years of the war was the ABSORPTION OF THE SECOND GENTERATION - the first time that children of the Kibbutz re-turned after finishing their educa -tion. This process began in 1941 and is still continuing. It was clear that thase first children, whose num-ter did not exceed 6-8 in each ca-se, could not be taken into the lib-butzin singly, plans had been made to absorb this second generation as a wider unit. This was thought to be the only way to successful absorp-13 on into the Kibbutz,
Several discussions were held on this problem throughout the Move-ment, and it was decided to give this task of absorbing the returning se-cond generation a high priority over other needs. Its intake, we think, will strengthen the Kibbutz and safe-ward its existence. IT WOULD CHAU-GE KIBBUTZIC ISOLATION FROM THE EM-PHASIS OF IDEOLOGICAL AID SPIRITUAL VALUES T0 DEVELOPING INTO A LIVING SOCIOLOGICAL AND BIOLOGICAL ENTITY. The absorption of the second gene-ration creates many problems and wives the Kibbutz many social, or -gansational, economic and ideolo -gieal tasks. In practice this expe-rlment has not had enough time yet to be judged.
The Oed Kibbutz
Therefore, most of our Kibbutzim are attempting by means of workshops and industrial undertaking to estab-lish economic end, financial support.
The Numencal framwork
- 32
Many Kibbutzim are at present strugg-ling with a problem of Chevra-ofganisation and considerable progress has already been made, There is in every Kibbutz an ever increasing number of Chaverim who are a active in one field or the other, in some Kibbutzim, however, the limit of the personal "aativisation" of the Chaver has been reached. The .guestion of fur-ther democratisotion in the internal life of the Kibbutz - especially in view of the many post-war problems which con-front it - is a question' which demands attention and discussion by the Movement, In the survey which has been undertaken by the department of Chevra and Tarbut of the Kibbutz Artzi, we find a rather positive picture. but wc also see that the development and improvement of the forms and patterns of Kibbutz organi-cation, the utilisation of experience, do not keep up with the needs of the Chevra. wore than onco have Kibbutzim in the struggle with these problems hit on a seemingly impenetrable wall and have rashly coma ho- negative con-elusions on the usefulness and value of democracy in their internal life.
Hot every Kibbutz has reached the same stage in this question. Some have found more satisfying solutions- and their organisation is improving and
productive branches. The "SERVICES" side of the Meshakin has grown but not the "PRODUCTIVE" side. There we find, and not once only, that for the sake of increasing political and so-cial Chevra needs one or two depart-ments are denuded of their permanent staff and the work is mainly done by temporary workers. This dees not only represent an agricultural -departmental problem of the Meshek but also an organisational one of the Chevra. Any branch with con -tinuous fluctuations and changes in its workers, lacking a permanent staff, will not only develop in a technical sense, but its workers will lack all independent initiative.
If we try to sura up the develop-ment of the Kibbutz Artzi during the war, we come to the following con-elusions: There was an increase but it did not fill the gaps caused by mobilisation and public activities. There was a rise in the standard of living. Several serious problems, like housing, have been solved or are being solved, Many Kibbutzim, however, had to take loans and their normal economic development is being held up by the heavy burden of debts. The birthrate has risen, and this demands a thorough discussion of the standard of education and its rela-tive value in terms of work, money and investments. During the years of the war we succeeded in our en-deavour to strengthen the numerical framework of many of our Kibbutzim, but 8. Kibbutzim in Moshavot and towns have shrunk so much that they will not be able to carry on much longer for economic and social rea-sons.
This year, after the formation of two new Kibbutzim, the source
The organisational Problem
of reinforcement has completely dried up. Our Palestinian movement will not send any new groups to Hachsharah this year but will fill up and strengthen two existing Hachsharah groups. Of 13 Youth Aliyah groups trained in our Meshakim, only one, the Palestinian one, will finish this year. WE SET ALL OUR HOPES ON ALI YAK WHICH WILL PERHAPS REACH US THIS YEAR IN SPITE OP ALL THE DIFFI-CULTIES AND WILL SAVE US IN THIS CRITI-CAL HOUR.
Shis will ססי carried out in diffc-rent v;ays end in different ferns: First of all the taking of children into nur-seriesl,. in the lower classes of the schools and in the district (secondary) schools. Our Kibbutzir are able to take in hundreds of children. In the "Children’s Houses"foreign-horn child-ren should he one third of all the children. This, in turn, depends cn the solution of the housing prohlen, suitable credits, organisation of labour, etc.
To-day there are in our Kibbutzin fourteen Youth Aliyah groups. Our Keshakim could in the next two years take about forty groups, and these should each be increased to forty beys and girls. Every group that finishes its tern will have the choice of re-mining in the same kibbutz as a Chovra-unit while keeping its separate identi-ty also in an additional year of Hach-shareh.
There Is no doubt that the Kib-butzim will bo the first and prin-ci'pal absorbers of Aliyah which will stream to Palestine at the end of hostilities.
During the twenty years of its existence the Hiatadrut has in -creased nore than thirty times.
The Kibbutz Artzi has grown within sixteen years more than twenty-fold. There is a great absorptive potontial in our forty Kibbutzim!.
We tend to compare the hunan
material that will come after the war with that which we used to take in in normal times. This is not at all in accord with what we know about the destruction of Eu-ropean Jewry. Even the few who have been saved are suffering from their terrible experiences. We cannot, therefore, expect that the absorption of Aliyah - even in the Kibbutz Movement - will be on the same lines as before the war. It will not be enough any more to from now gar'inim which live in ostablished Kibbutzim receive some guidanca for Shert time and
Absorption of Aliyah
enriching the life of the Chevra and of the individual. Others have ra-ther developed 'and rationalised the technical machinery of the Chevra the and have neglected the study of the problems of the individual Chnver and his activisat ion. How shell we convert the strength, the oxperien-ce, the values and the material means which we are gathering, into an absorbing and creative instru-ment, to guide and weld together Chevrot and groups ?
Absorption of yonth
then start on their own responsibility.
We must not forget that those who remain of the various Ifovements mull cone with-but any Hachsharah and that their suffer-ings will have upset their capacity tc live normal arid constructive lives. We have to assume, therefore, that ospe-cially the established Kibbutzin which have explored their economic possibili-ties to"the lost in their own Heshakim, will be the main absorbing factors.
- 34 -
AMERICA
We have been informed that the Yeidah of the American Hechalutz will take place on the 30th December.
Pror. the letter of herbw: hechalutz U.S.A.
To All Chalutzin, Shalom;
"...The terrible years f world chaos, and the bitter battle which has yet to be fought for a now social, political, and economic structure of the world, present us with a daring challenge. Yesterday, the European Chalutz, fighting in the Ghcttoes for what he knew was a lost cause, knew how to meet the challenge. He knew how to keep his dignity as a Jew. In his last hour he knew how to keep alive the hope far the ultimate achieve-nont of a Jewish homeland. To his last breath he found devious means to continue his work for the realisation of that dream.
And now we, American Chalutzim, roust rise to meet the challenge, for the European Chalutz has grown too weak to bear the burden alone. Tester-day we were the younger sisters and brothers; we leaned upon them and learn-ed from them. To-day we are needed to give strength and courage to our decimated people. We must take upon ourselves the responsibility for the development of those economic enterprises and settlements which are so necessary if Eretz Israel is to absorb the hundreds of thousands of up-rooted Jews. We must take upon ourserves the responsibility of safeguard-ing and developing those social' and cultural values which the Chalutz -worker has made the vary core of life in Eretz Israel.
WE, AMERICAN CHALUTZIM, ARE HEEDED FOR THESE TASKS TO-DAY......."
THE MOVEMENT
Everey whereFROM THE SETTLEMENTS
PUBLISHED BY HECHALUTZ B'ANGLIA
החולוץ
APRIL/MAY, 1945
IYAR
MAY DAY
HISTADRUTH CONFERENCE
דבר
D’VAR HECHALUTZ
CONTENTS
Page
MAY DAY .. .. .. .. .. .. Richard Gruneberg .. .. 3
HISTADRUTH CONFERENCE :
David Remez .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 7
David Ben Gurion .. .. ,. .. .. .. .. .. 8
Eliahu Dobkin .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18
Yaakov Chazan .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 24
Pinchas Lubianiker .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 28
CHAVERIM WRITE:
A Reply to Horst .. .. .. .. Eric Lucas .. 31
The Legend of the Letter and the Line .. Lari .. 34
A New Snif in Glasgow .. .. .. Ella Brook .. 38
FROM THE SETTLEMENTS :
Ramim (Manara) ........................................... 3 of cover
HECHALUTZ B’ANGLIA Organisation of Jewish Pioneers for Palestine Bloomsbury House, Bloomsbury Street, London, W.C.l Telephone : Museum 6811
MOTTO
War and the evils of the world are oppressing you.
Yes, they must hove that influence on. every rands hut there is salvation, One salvation only from this darimess: the. resolution to put the fight against those evils as one’s aim in life. Only that life is unhearable, that lots everything go as it goos. My life was happy, in spite of
everything, in times of the hardest fight, But you should not everlook your doubts, you should not blindly follow my words, but you have to work through it all from the fundamentals, you have to fight through it all by yourself.
(From a letter by K. Liebkneeht to a young Socialist ).
Has there, ever been such a May Day since the Working Meno' Inter-national decreed the first of May as the Internatioinal Workers' day?
The Socialist movement went through many difficulties since then, but it has seen minor and major triumphs as well. We are, bowever, facing a resurrection of pur strength, a defeat of the enemies of progress which allows the Socialist movement to rejoice at this May Day to a degree which was not thinkable since the days of the October revolution. The end of the war against Nazi Germany is everybody's guess now. By the time these lines are road, such a statement will probably only evoke a smile - because, history moves fast now and today’s prophecy is tomorrow’s Anachronism. That dark May lay of 1933 when Hitler robbed pur festival of its Meaning by proclaiming it as the "Fastival of Gerroan labour", when the Social Democrats in demany'.advised tho workers to participate ־־ in a vain hope to mitigate thus the fate of "tin Goman proletariat - this tragic May Day, which Is still so vivid in one’s memory is old history now. Hitler’s May Day is gone as a־'bad. drear; forover. In the coun-trios he onco dominated the first workers’ processions will appear in the street to celebrate liberation. Today the day may seem far off when German workers, poisoned by the filthy atmosphere of Nazism will do like-wise. But oven that day will come. It will take a long time until
THOUGHTS ON
MAY DAY

1945
- 4
the evil associations of May Bay will be forgotten by then and a longer time still until the international proletariat will forget what it suffer-ed at the hand of German workers clad in Nazi uniforms and from the pro-ducts of their factories. But the days of the last fury of the war and of dismal defeat are a bad season to guess about the return of normal inter-human and international relationship.
But does the defeat of Nazism and the occupation of wide territories by the Allied armies bring Socialism in its wake? Or oven true progress? The working class in the. free countries was deeply shocked by events in Greece, Belgium, and Italy, whe-re progressive movements seem to be braked by Allied intervention and homegrown reactionaries, We may condemn or endorse these actions, the fact remains that the victorias of reactionary forces were everywhere temporary only. Nowhere could they stand on their own: everywhere they had to call in outside help and utilise the cheapest of all bogeymen: hunger and Bolshevism. But the ruling classes discredited themselves forever when, in their panic, they called in alien help. Outside interference even from allies is detested by the masses, and more so if it is called in by turn-coats who yesterday sold themselves to the Fascist invaders.
The victories of reaction in the time of military occupation, hunger and confusion, are transitory. They serve to placate the ruling class forever.. We are well aware of the fact that German Connunism used simi-lar language: "After Hitler we will come to power, Hitler will rule twenty-four hours, then our turn comes" and their turn never came. But today the peoples of the world are too well aware of the dangers of Fascism in all its forms; they will not tolerate it again. The effec-tive protest of the British Labour movement against the provocations of the fight in Greece show the long way that movement travelled since the days of George Lansbury. However, this consciousness of international solidarity and of the interconnection of foreign policy and "bread and butter" issues is no new phenomenon in British Labour. The "hands off Russia" spirit 13 revived. Is the British working class the only ally of the up-surging masses of Europe? Certainly not. We have hoard much questioning of Russian policy in this respect. These critics, catechi-sing the Soviet Union on how a perfect Socialist should behave in this imperfect world were strong in their condemnation. But did they con-sider the fact that the working masses of these liberated countries received,by the actions of the U.S.S.R.,back their fundamental rights and possibilities of development? In some countries evidence is yet scanty to attack or defend the attitude of the Soviet Government in all its aspects. But who can deny that workers’ freedom and workers’ rights are advanced in the countries liberated by the Soviet Union?
- 5
This has been a year of workers' conferences. There were the first Italian and French workers’ conferences, the British Labour Party's annual conference, the T.U.C. conference, the International Conference of Labour and Socialist Parties, the Voidah of the Histadruth and. so forth. The greatest of then all was the World Trade Union Conference in London. The strength of the international workers’ movoment become manifest here and equally so its will to unity. The world of international politics is too complicated today to make unity possible after the Biblical precept: "How sweet is it for brothers to sit peacably together". And when obstacles on the way to trade union unity were to be removed, then this could only be done with sacrifices on all sides. The structure of the now fundament shows weaknesses; it demands a great amount of good will and trust to make it firm enough to build the new house of international working class upon it. This groat international conference demonstrated the many pro-blows facing us: differences of ideology, differences between the working class in independent countries and in dependencies. (The presence of the colonial and Indian trade unionists emphasised this greatly); the problem of the workers in liberated countries differ from those in neutral coun-tries and so forth. However, the fooling that theirs was an hour of decision, that unity was the urgent demand for the workers facing the tasks of defeating Fascism and reconstruction made this a great conferonce,in spite of all controversies, a great success. The presence of a large and hard-working Soviet delegation gave us reason to hope that the Soviet State will more than before participate directly in the affairs of the inter-national proletariat.
For the Socialist Zionist movement the conference had the additional result of giving us a Balfour Declaration of labour, a mandate by the world’s working class to carry on in our task. The Histadruth asked the conference for not more and not less than its support of our right to establish in Palestine a national home for our people. The debate round this resolution was doubly important because it took place not in the comfortable atmosphere of a conference room full of sympathisers,but with the opposition of several delegates'. The conference was thus enabled to hear both sides - and gave its verdict. The fact that the Soviet dele-gation voted for our demands arouses in us hopes for an active support of Zionism by the U.S.S.R. and for an early bridging of the gulf which sepa-rates us from Russian Jewry.
And what does May Day 1945 mean to us, to the Jewish people? The joy of liberation is, for us, mixed with a bitter feeling. When the Nazis are chased from a country, many problems just start for its inhabi-tants. That is doubly true for the Jewish people, and anti-Semitism does not disappear with the last German soldier. The Palestine Labour
6
Movement in all its trends faces the all important task: to rescue and to rehabilitate. But even if we Zionists do all in our power, the outer restrictions are very strong. The political fate of our country is in balance. But we have strong allies. Our greatest asset is the Com-bination of our constructive and. progressive work throughout the darkest years. When our fate is. decided that will count for more than high sounding programmes. Our work and our goodwill towards our neighbours count for'more, at all events, with the people on whom the fate of the countries ultimately depends: the toiling masses of the world.
• *"•"*•יי"
The long winter of the workers’ movement is gone, its spring, its May Bay is fast approaching. Despair and cynicism, so prevalent oven amongst young Socialists are disappearing in the battles for national and 30cial liberation. The chalutzic movement in the past has stood to its Socialist convictions, no matter what the conditions were: in the pros-porous atmosphere of capitalist countries, in the face of hatred and re-striction, in the partisan struggle against well-armed German soldiers. Socialist action has to bo supplemented by Socialist thinking. We have to acquaint ourselves with the teachings of those great men who laid the foundations of Socialism, Amongst the great constructive Socialist thinkers are the men who paved the way to Labour Zionism. Knowledge, conviction and preparedness for self-realisation will thus unito. Then only can Socialism become an attitude in life. With May Day 194-5 comes the time when we can be proud again to declare our faith in Socialism, international solidarity and workers’ unity.
' _______________ R. GRUNEBERG
פועלי כל הארצות
התאחדו
7
The second session cf the fifth conference of the Histndruth ",ns opened by David Remez. With a few words he surveyed the activities of the Histndruth since Spring,1942 when the Histndruth held its fifth con-vent ion. Ho 'reminded the audience that at the end of 1942 the first detailed reports about tho happenings in Hitlerite Europe had been given by a group of women who had arrived in Erotz Israel through exchange with German citizens from Palestine. On the 25th Hovembor the Vaad Hapoel had met to listen to a summary of those reports given by Eliahu Dobkin.
Remez went on to emphasize the activities of the Histad ruth with regard to rescue. He stressed that it 'was the Histndruth which had sponsored this work in the Yishuv and that
of the 13/4 million pounds, which had been collected, up to the beginning of 1945, 35% had come from the chaverim, the institutions and the enterprises of the Histndruth.
”The real answer to the tragedy of Yisrael has been given by those who-have volunteered for the Forces.
More than 18,000 men and women of the Histndruth have, been enlisted including 1,500 P.A.T.S., 4,500 fox various security services and the rest, more than 12,000 soldiers.
More than half of the. soldiers of the Yishuv are from the Histndruth. This applies both to men and women."
He went on to describe the efforts'which the Histndruth had made for nob-illsation during: the last three years and spoke of tho many obstacles put in the way by the Government. He also dwelt on the efforts of the? Executive of the Jewish Agency which were at last crowned by the establish-ment of the Jewish Brigade Group. .
Speaking on economic affairs Remez stressed that it is in the power of the Histndruth to do great, work, Fifty-one new workers' settlements, have been established during the war, and though the activities in agri-culture have expanded and the irrigated,areas have been doubled, much more will have to. be done. He also stressed' that during the war Indus- try had absorbed 45.000 to 50,000 workers compared with the number of
25,000 in pre-war year. Speaking about "the industrial establishments
of the Histndruth which worked so. successfully during the war, Remez said; "It is very valuable to know that investors from outside who step very warily believed in the economic soundness of the Histndruth enter-prises." Remez then stressed the beginnings which have been made in
SECOND SESSION
REMEZ OPENS
THE SIXTH VEIDAH
8 -
mritine enterprise. He ended with the words
"CONSOLIDATION IS OUR STRENGTH, DISUNITY THE STRENGTH OF OUR ENEMIES ,"
DAVID BENGURION
even though they did not go through the sane horrors. Besides there is the Jewish community here in. Pales-tine which still needs great atten-tion. Its position is not safe yet,"
Stressing how worried he was about the future of the Jews and of the country he continued: "Wo once had a Zionist ideology which said that 'other Jews’ should go to Aliyah.
The Zionist ideology did not approach the Zionist to go to Palestine because there were many Zionists, tens of thousands, in various coun-tries who if they wanted something they wanted the Jewish people to go to Palestine, but this ideology did not affect them. Now we are in a position that there are a million Jews in Europe - I do not know whether they are all Zionists - but the ono thing they have in mind is immigration to Palestine. This, not as Zionists, not sometime in the distant future, not from any ideological conception. They want to go to Palestine now, immediately, as Jews who cannot live amongst the graves which surround them. The Jews of Poland, though there are only 50,000, 2% of what they were,
The Reqnnnt 3 in Europe:
Ben Ourion first told the audience that had there been suffi-cient time ha would have suggested devoting one session to the fortieth anniversary of the Second Aliyah. "The Second Aliyah, that anonymous small group of people, has opened a new chapter in the history of the Yishuv and of the Zionist Organi-sat ion and with it in. the history of the Jewish people. 'Unfortu-nately", he continued, "we have no time to deal with the past, we are all too shocked by what is happen-ing now, and worried about the future. Something has happened", said Ben Gurion, "which nobody expected, not even those who expect-ed the worst. I cannot bear to talk about it, this will have to be done by someone who will be able to describe the horror and tragedy.
I want to speak .about the future. There are Jews left in Europe, not many, some even in Poland. It is estimated that of the 6,300,000 Jews in Europe, besides those of Russia and England, there are about
1,200,000 left and their fate is our responsibility. There are Jews in other countries and we shall also have to care for them
TOWADS the FUTURE
9 ־
The Jews in the Middle East:
After stressing that there is . still a danger to Jewish life after the liberation of the various coun-tries, whilst the struggle between the forces of yesterday and those of tomorrow are going on, Ben Gurion drew the attention of the chaverim to the Middle-Eastern countries. "There are also Jews in the neigh-bouring countries. They have not shared the fate of the Jews of Europe but they feel with their Jewish instinct that the end of hostilities and the victory over Hitler does not automatically bring peace, stability, brotherhood and love for Israel. They feel that with every political upheaval, which may still occur there, they will be the first victims and they do not want to wait.
The Future of the Country;
"Our other concern is the future of this country - not its ultimate but its near future,"
After stressing that the White Paper though shaken still stands,
Ben Gurion. tried to emphasize that if the Yishuv would remain a minor-ity in Eretz Israel there would be no guarantee that the surrounding people, who cannot pride themsolves on a tradition of Kant and Goethe, will in days of political upheaval in this part of the world behavo better than the descendants of these two great philosophers, "Therefore, the great question is whether this community, whose re-presentatives have come together here, is prepared for the future
are still being looked upon as superflous by many Poles there.
This we were told by a Communist, not by a Zionist, but by a kosher Communist, a representative of the Lublin Government. Of the
70,000 Jews of Greece 6,000 axe left, perhaps 10,000 and I do not know whether they are all Zionists, but something happened to then and" they do not want to remain where they are - they want to go to Palestine. There are the Bulgarian Jews who want to go and who are afraid that the authorities of to-morrow may not let them do so.
And wo are told by a chnver, who was dropped in Rumania as a para-chutist at the time of the occu-nation, that 300,000 Jews are left in Rumania and that 80% of them want to go to Eretz Israel.
What shall wo tell them?
"The question is what can we tell these people, for the key to the door of Palestine is not yet in our hands and we cannot tell them ’We will take you out immediately’.
The question is which reply are we going to give? Shall we say to these people: 'Your will is our will and we shall do everything in our power, everything humanly possible that this your wish should be realised. We are with you heart and soul in your desire to leave the valley of death and come immediately to Eretz Israel.' Or shall we tell them to stay behind and let their sons go first, that in the meantime the Jews who are left may, in the course of ten or fifteen years, get back their houses and property?"
- 10
lenders of the great powers should give us what we demand and give their political sanction to the establish" nent of Palestine as a Jewish Common-wealth, and every means for the up-building of Palestine, we shall still have to do the job. The job of absorbing immigrants, of training them for a new life, all that will fall on our shoulders. Never have we yet carried on our shoulders such a bur-den, but history does not stop to enquire, it works in its own way.
The question is how far are we pre-pared to carry the burden if in spite of everything we should, in the near future, achieve all what wo want.
which holds two possibilities. Either that we fight against the White Paper and the question then arises whether we will be able to survive times of economic crisis and hold our own, or there is another possibility, that we my find ourselves face to face with the establishment of Palestine as a Jewish Commonwealth, big Allyah, great settlement undertakings -those very things most desired by hundreds of thousands who are still alive in Europe, and those Jews in the Middle East who are suffering and yearning for a Homeland. Ire we prepared,'are we capable of so great an undertaking? Even if the
Our Histadruth
"Now a few words with regard to Histadruth affairs", continued Ben Gurion. "The Histadruth is not a Trade' Union, it is not a political organisation, it is not a cooperative society, it is not even an organisation to organise mutual help although it deals with all these matters. The Histadruth is a body which embraces the builders of a homeland, founders of a state, revivers of a nation, builders of an economy, creators of a culture and of a new society."
The two Sections:
"I see in the Hiatadruth two parts, one: part which embraces some 30,000 workers consisting of those who live in their own workers’ settlements. The other which embraces about 65,000 - 70,000 workers - the wage earners. The workers in the collectives and c0-operatives lack unity. Their internal strife sometimes over-shadows the chalutzic spirit which prevails there. I an an outsider because I have never had the opportunity of being n chaver in a Kvutzah or a Moshav, but as an outsider I cannot understand one
thing: why is there disunity in this beautiful place, for example, in the Emek Hayardon, which is the birth place of the Kvutzah, in this fertile valley which lies on both sides of the Jordan, blessed with water and with sun, but dearer to us than water and sun and soil, blessed with human material which is the pride of the nation, the pride of the labour move-ment? Everyone there lives in collectives, there is no private property, all live a life of chalu-tziut within one Histadruth and with one aim and in spite of all that they are disunited. The Headquarters of
- 11
united and have carried this disunity into the labour movement. "The other part", said Bon Gurion, "lacks knowledge, lacks chalutziut. Though its. standard is. ;certainly not lower than the standard of the workers of America, and England yot", said Ben Gurlon, "we are not like the American and. English workers, we have not in-herited a homeland and a state from our parents. We came here with nothing and have to "build everything with our own work and efforts and for that our workers need a high cul-tural standard."
one part of these collectives is in Hulda, the other part is ruled from Ein Harod and the third receives its instructions from Mishmar Ha-Emek, Ihen I pass "by these places as an outsider I see that in all these collectives they live the same sort of life. The first is like the second, and the second is the same as the third." Ben Gurion then complained that, the Kibbutzim and Karat sot instead of pooling, their forces for.the exploitation of the great natural resources, are dis-
Six Improvements Required
section in which are concentrated all the sources of chalutziut, acts according to its own opinion, goes its own way and is hardly subject at all to the general discipline -neither in settlement nor in cooper-ative enterprise, not in its edu-cation nor in its schooling. I say these things neither for blame nor praise. I am pointing out a fact as it would appear to one standing slightly apart. It does a lot of good as well as some harm - but it does all this on its own opinion, and does not depend on permission nor on direction from the community as a whole.
"On the other hand, I see the second bloc - the section of wage-earners with which the whole Hista-druth deals exclusively, and which has no independence of action, and practically no independent respon-sibility for what it does.
"And without saying whether things are good in the first section, I stress the fact that the second sec-tion - the paid workers - have prac-
"I wish to stress the improvements which are required in these two sections and will begin with the great bloc of hired workers. It seems to me that here six improve-ments are required. All these six improvements have one aim: that of making the masses of workers into a responsible force, both cultural and pioneering in the Histadruth, in the Movement, in the Yishuv and in Zionism.
Self-determination for the Wago-earner:
"Firstly - independence, responsi-bility and self-determination as part of the community and in re-lation to it. I will return brief-ly to the position in the Histadruth, as it appears to an outsider, in rather broad outline. Again I will divide it into two parts, and I see the following:-
"On the one hand the're is a sec-tion of settlement worker's on whom the workers' community as a whole
has hardly any influence. That
12 -
A Representative for every fifty Workers:
"The second thing is that the wage-earners can act individually and in an unorganised way even loss than the workers in the settlements. I he-lieve that there are one or two can-tons in Switzerland whore every law. must ho passed by all the inhabitants. This is impossible here - we can only work through elected representatives, hut it is necessary that every worker should know the man who represents him personally, who speaks in his name and should he able to demand an account of his activities and he in a position to criticise. I suggest, therefore, that there should he one representative elected by every fifty workers who shall he responsible to them, for all his activities.
Trade Unions on a national scale:
Thirdly, Ben Gurion suggested the formation of a trade union on a national scale for each industry.
There are now seventy thousand wage-earners, some in the docks, in build-ing and., in transport, hut the major-ity are employed in industry. The lack of organisation, confusion of organisation and over-organisation which exists amongst the industrial workers are some of the causes of lack of responsibility rind lack of initiative on the part'of some thir-ty to thirty-five thousand indus-trial workers. All workers in the food industry, for example, or in the textile industry, should ho in one country-wide union, and should carry out their activities indepen-dently within the framework of the
tically no independence within the Histadruth, and are entirely de-pendent for guidance on the com-munity in general. That is one of the reasons, not perhaps the only one, nor the fundamental one, for the inferior position in which the paid worker finds himself. I am talking in general terms, and I know that amongst the wage-earners there are men who, in their under-standing, their responsibility, their chalutziut, are no worse than the very finest of our people in Dagania, Fahalal or MishmarHaEmek.
"Therefore" continued Ben Gurion, "I suggest that the ?rage-earners should he able to organise'them-selves and determine their own con-ditions in the same way as the agricultural workers. The living conditions, of the agricultural workers depend very much on how Tnuva - Cooperative Marketing Board-sells the fruits of their labour, but it has never been suggested that Tnuva should be subject to the interference of the Histadruth as a whole. It is the concern of "the agricultural workers and only if they should do something wrong would the Histadruth as such inter-vene. The same must apply to the many groups of wage-earners whose day-to-day, lives depend on the con-ditions in which they work. Those who work in the same trade or in the same factory will, with others who work with them, determine for themselves their trade union ac-tivities: working conditions, strikes and so on, without the continuous interference of the Histadruth as a whole.
13
the ranks of wage-earners, must be increased immeasurably, and this is one of the most important tasks con- fronting us now. It is our duty to prepare the workers for difficult and great tasks, and not only to condemn the illiteracy which is growing in our society. It is up to us to give the wage-earners that very education which our agricultural worker re-ceived, and because of which he ms able to build that great and splen-did creation of his which has no like in the whole world. He was enabled to carry this out because he knows his strength and understands what a creative man is able to achieve, a working man who knows and dares to use all his ability to work and to create - his own, united with that of his comrades. It is that under-standing and an education to that end which we must give to the masses of wage-earning workers. To them we must convey the ideal and the great-ness of our undertaking, the strength which lies in collective effort and a faith which will enable them to f־ace the future. He suggested the immediate establishment of a special training school for this purpose.
More personal contacts:
"Fifthly, in spite of a superfluity of organisational structure, there is not in our ranks sufficient personal contact between the representatives of the movement and the individual. The movement contacts the chaver when it has a demand to make - should it also not do so when it has no demand to make? I know that there are none of us who manage to carry out all the work which falls on us, yet everyone feels badly that he is approached only when there is some
Hiatadruth and in accordance with the general line laid down by the Hiatadruth as a whole, just as the agricultural workers do. We have not yet any suitable form of or-ganisation for the trade union activities of the wage-earner, which could be their focal point as are Tnuva and Hamashbir - Wholesale Cooperative Society - for the agri-cultural workers. Departments in the Wand Hapoel and in the local workers’ councils are not satisfac-tory instruments for the trade union activities of the wage-earners,
Their proper instrument is the or-ganisation of the workers themselves.
Education for the Wage-earner:
"Fourthly, there is only a small number of wage-earners who have a chalutzic background and who would make efforts comparable to those of the settlement workers who built up the movement. The great majority of them does not make such efforts and this, situation is likely to develop with the largo aliyah which we hope will take place." Referr-ing to the losses which the Jewish people has suffered in the last twenty-five years, Ben Gurion pointed out the fact that large numbers would come on aliyah ma- terially and spiritually poverty- stricken and that this would be a source of danger to the healthy growth of the movement, for such a danger will necessarily exist in a society where cultural, Jewish and Socialist values are of a low standard. "The most important thing", he went on to say, "was that the small amount of education-al work which had been done and which was greatly appreciated by
groat opposition in. the movement when wo attempt to guide the movement vo-cationally. The'whole future of the paid worker and of the Jewish economy and Jewish immigration and industry do not depend only on the organisa-tion of the worker and on his trade union activity. Our economy is
"based on very difficult, almost im-possible, conditions and we now live in artificial conditions where there is no competition. But this will not last forever and we shall have to go into competition in a very diffi-cult period after this war, Nor-shall, we be able to compete by lower-ing our standard of life, by lower wages, by difficult working condi-tions. We shall only be able to compete in markets if the Jewish worker will he interested in the quality of his production and of 'its increase, the improvement of his trade and in specialising.
.”Unless every branch of our- workers-industrial, building and marttime -has a high standard as our agricul-tural workers, our whole structure will not stand. We shall not be able to face the future oither from a political or economic point of view.
”Those are, in ny opinion, the six things which are required in order to improve the situation in the bloc of wage-earners. That is how vie: shall increase their responsibility and their consciousness, that is how we shall make them active as a force with equal rights with the other great force in the Histadruth -our agricultural workers."
special need or when there is a special difference- of opinion.
Just because our movement is new and is not yet deeply rooted, life is hard, sometimes friendless and lone-ly, and it is often difficult to know what is troubling the movement , what its real feelings are," Ben Gurion outlined further the ques-tions of relationships amongst the workers. "Even though the insti-tutions of the Histadruth did see to it that questions were dealt with according to the rules and their amendments, it was still necessary to see to it that these rules suit-ed the changing conditions and to examine them from a point of view of the movement. It is necessary to find out whether the individual is satisfied, for there are many different types, young workers and old, men and women, old immigrants and new. It. is not through the many meetings and conferences which we hold that we shall get to know the real opinion and relationships of the workers. This we can only do to a certain extent by meetings with the workers of this factory or that, with this group of women wor-kers, with that youth group and so on. This must be done by people of great human understanding, they must be prepared to go from place to place, from town to village, from community to community, to get to know the real and immaginary difficulties which exist and to iron out the discrepancies between the different types and ages and back-grounds of the workers.
Improving the quality of our products:
"Sixthly, we shall need great strength for we shall encounter
- 15 -
The Unity of Workers in the Histadruth
have to leave, hut it trill not he closed, to anyone "because of his per-sonal opinions. Though the Histadruth is neither one of Zionists nor of Socialists "but one of workers, yet I know of no movement which is more Zionist or more Socialist; and this is not because of its constitution but because of the very essence of its being, that is what it has to be according to the deeply rooted under-standing .of the Jewish worker in Eretz Israel. I am asked what I would do if the majority of workers in the Histadruth were Revisionists or Communists. If that should bo so I can only say that it would bo just as bad if they were outside the Histadruth, because then wo should be a minority organisation and what value would it have if the majority of the workers of Eretz Israel were fundamentally opposed to our vision and our destiny? It is up to us to take the initiative and to go out of our way to the unorganised workers and to enrol then as members of the Histadruth.
The Religious Worker;
"In addition there are also organi-sed workers outside the Histadruth and I know that the previous Execu-tive Council energetically took up the question of the affiliation of the Hapoel Hamizrachi to the Hista-druth. We must make this demand again with renewed strength. It is up to us to understand the soul of the worker and to understand also the soul of the religious worker.
I know that there are many religious workers in the Histadruth, perhaps no less than the number in Hapoel
Ben Gurion went on.to speak on the question of .unity. "We can-not compare ourselves", he said, "with the workers of England and America and other countries who can permit themselves to ho satisfied with thirty or forty per cent of, their workers organised, History has, laid upon us a very much heav-ier responsibility and we cannot he satisfied even if we should, have seventy-five per cent of our workers organised.
"I am told that for the 100,000 workers (apart from the wives of’ members) who are organised in th.e Histadruth, there are over 40,000 outside. Of these about 33,000, are not organised at all and
10,000 to 15,000 belong to other organisations, This need not be so. Our Histadruth must embrace all the workers of Erotz Israel....
"Thus far everybody will agree, though perhaps not for the rest.
In my opinion, the Histadruth should also include workers who are not Socialists. The Histadruth cannot and has no right to investi-gate the opinions of its members.
Its duty is to organise workers on the following grounds: If a man works himself and undertakes to be a disciplined member of the Hista-druth - if he fulfils those two conditions he can be a Communist or a Revisionist, whatever he pleases. We are the organisation of workers and every worker should be able to be inside our movement. He may not want to, but he must be able to if he should. Anyone who acts contrary to its interests will
16
movement - not just tolerated but respected. I do not think that any group of workers will "believe that it can impose its rule on the workers' movement against their will. This is a matter of comradely relation-ship which must exist in our ranks "between religious and irreligious workers, who must know how to res-pect each other - not as an act of charity, but because they are work-ing comrades. If such an atmos-phore were to exist in our ranks Hapool Hamzrachi would find it hard to remain outside, if it is true to the idea of Torah V’Avodah and will not use religion as a political wea-pan. The other point is that we must make it our business to get the teachers to join the Histadruth,
A great obstacle will be removed if we carry through our idea of country-wide Trade Unions.
Hechalutz Achid
to Erotz Israel, to work, for de-defence, to Ivrit, to the Histadruth-can this in any way conflict with labour independence or chalutz value s ?
,'"We now face a new situation in the world, I shall not speak about the Oriental countries. It was enough for me to hoar that Shlichim of those very groups who,agitated continuously for the class struggle, for revolutionary Socialism, for the "most extreme loft ideas - when they themselves were in those countries, worked devotedly for the establish-ment of such a united framework of Kcchalutz, I also hoard what our Shlichim did in Rumania without direction from the Zionist Executive,
Hamizrachi. I do. not know whether it is good or not that' there is a" -special religious section amongst us, though I knot; that it is good that there should he religious wor-kers amongst us. If we forget their existence except when they remind us then we shall lose masses of workers from the Higtadruth and possibly even from, labour. Though it may not mean much to the major-ity if we agree that work nay be dene on Shnbbat, it mean’s that we . are closing this place for many and are creating inequality in our midst. We need, someone who will organise the religious workers to defend their, principles even if there should not' be Hapoel Hamiz-rachi, and oven if there should not be a religious section within the Higtadruth. For we want religious Jews to be workers in the general framework of the united workers'
"In the Oriental countries the Zionist organisations created a united Hechalutz. I was amazed when I found that ohaverim in our ranks were trying to find a contra-diction between a general Zionist undertaking and a workers' under-taking. "We had a similar dis-cussion with chaverim twenty-five years ago about the congress and the funds, since that time they recognised their mistake. I do not know whether settlement made possi-ble by national means oh national land with a general national fund, conflicts at all with labour enter-prise. I do not know since when this confusion has arisen amongst us. If the Zionist movement edu-cates chalutzim in the Golah to go
- 17 -
those things. They expect those values which are common to all the workers of Erctz Israel and they want us to bring these to them as soon as possible, I hoar that many think it necessary to introduce to the Golah the whole science of these quarrels. They argue that the youth in Poland, Bulgaria and Greece must know this.
To me after almost forty years of pioneering here they have still net explained this science, but let us suppose that it is essential and that it cannot be avoided. In that case I suggest dividing the activity of Hechalutz into two stages, one in the Golah where Hechalutz will teach those values which are common to ua all -Aliyah, work, defence, Hebrew, mutual aid, cooperation, membership of the Histadruth, membership of the Zionist Organisation, labour settlement, agriculture etc. The science of dissention - we shall convey to the chalutzim in the second stage after they have come to Eretz Israel."
As soon as Rumania was liberated they understood the necessity for united work and all trends, not only those in the Histadruth but also Hapoel Hamizrachi found a common platform. when Jewish spokesmen of certain progressive views told them that they could take part in a demonstration only if they appeared with the red flag, they ail answer-ed without exception: "We shall even use force if necessary to appear with the Zionist flag."
They worked together continuously because they were facing a now sit-uation in Europe.
"What was in order in the. Golah -wo arc trying to upset here. Those of Jewish youth who survived in Poland, Bulgaria and Greece have no need of the internal discussions and quarrels and arguments with which our partior and factions are riddled - our youth in Europe does not want and does not need to hear
BEN GURION CONCLUDED HIS SPEECH WITH A STIRRING APPEAL FOR UNITY, HE STRESSED THAT HE BELIEVED III THE POSSIBILITY OF ALL WORKERS BEING ORGANISED T/ITHIN THE HISTADRUTH AND ALL ZIONIST SOCIALISTS UNITED VJITHIN ONE PARTY.
- 18 —
Jews do not want to remain in the Golah:
"The most significant phenomenon now influencing our policy is the dwindling of the Golah, The million or 11/2 million Jews left in Europe have but one desire: to come to Eretz Israel.
"In Rumania 30,000 candidates for Aliynh registered in the Palestine office, thousands more form.queues at the office there. A delegate of Rumanian Jewry who came to Palestine states that at least 80% of the
310,000 Jews in Rumania are prepared to come to Palestine, You have the same situation as far as Transylvania, Bulgaria, France, Yugoslavia, Belgium, Poland are concerned and more than that the desire for Aliyah begins to awaken even, in that Jewish concentration which had almost severed its relations with our land, Russian Jewry which wo had come to regard as almost entirely cut off from the body of the Jewish people.
"This is the first time in the history of Zionism that the masses of Jewish people are intent on going to Palestine. That has never happened before - from "Bilu" times throughout our four Aliyoth. It is a bitter fact that only about 3% of European Jewry came to Palestine in the twenty-five years between the two world wars.
"What we heard from friends and foes alike, that the Jews did not want to go to Palestine was true to a large extent. Only now can we refute that argument and state unequivocally: Jewry does not want to re-main in the GolahI
"Of the Jews of France not more than half survived, from Rumania one-third, from Poland not more than 10%. Yet nowhere is there either desire or ability to rebuild the life in the Golah. And what could be the psychological inducement for the few to remain forever amongst the graveyards of their slaughtered brethren!
Anti-Semitism:
"Anti-semitism was not Hitler's invention in Europe nor did it cease with him. Signs of hatred of the Jews remained after the libera-tion of thebe countries. We do not forget that Poles, Ukranians, Lithuanians helped with the mass killing of our people, some willing
THE GOLAH
A N D
ERETZ ISRAEL
Oy E. DOd/T/A/.
19
others unwilling. Hitler was very clever when he saw in anti-semitism a means to establish a common bond, between peoples. He did not need to invent it, but found it ready-made, and it survives after "liberation" with the one difference: that the Jews are a smaller minority now, but they have no reason to expect more mercy from their old.enemies now!
"A report from Rumania says more than half of Rumanian Jewry :live on public assistance of the community. They are not able to feed or clothe themselves properly. Boys and girls who come to the meetings of the chalutzic movement, frequently drop from hunger and weakness. Of course there was a law, established by the end of December 1944, that all illegally confiscated property, including flats, are to be returned to the Jews: but tho following categories are exempted from the duty to leave Jewish property:- Government officials, Pensioners, Workers, Employers, Experts, Orphans and Widows. That means in fact that the law of rehabi-litation for the Jews is cancelled. Besides, Jews did not stay in their old place, but escaped and now they are wandering from province to province without hope to find a living and 'anti-semitism grows and grows;
"From Greece our soldiers report very much the same: "The Jews of Salonika have at present only a single shop: a book shop. The rest of the shops and flats wore taken over by Greeks when the Jews went into hiding. How after liberation when the Jews came back from the hills they are received with hatred by the Greeks in possession of their shops and houses. Because of that hunger and disease are more prevalent in the Jewish quarters than in the rest of the cities. Hundreds live in the Synagogue in Athens, sleeping on the bare floor, it would be better for thorn to return to the mountains." And so we could go on quoting reports
from Prance, Belgium, Bulgaria etc.

"Our duty commands, therefore, that we. do everytting possible to awaken the conscience of the world and to do everything, in our power to rescue at least these remainders of our people.
What Governments think:
"But it is not only the Jewish people who believes that there is no place for it in the Golah anymore. The Governments expressed this feel-ing in a quite unmistakable manner:
On the 9th January, 1945 the official broadcasting station of the "Lublin Government" announced: '98% .of. the Polish Jews were killed by the Nazis. In freed Poland there is now 50,000 Jaws amongst seven: million Poles and in spite of all that there are open anti-semitic and hostile relations... A general, deputy commander of the Army, tells the correspondent of "United Press" that anti-semitism is deeply rooted amongst the soldiers and the people of Poland. Brora the 500,000. Poles
- 20 -
now in Russia many want to return to Poland. But how is it possible to bring them back in this situation? Five years of German occupation has left the conviction that the Jews are superfluous in the world. There are other reasons too,’ continued this officer: The Jews want back their property which went into Polish hands meanwhile, and the Poles are very much against that. The Government will do as much'as it can but there are no great hopes. Dr. Sommerstein is going to U.S.A. to discuss possi-bilities of help. In the opinion of Dr, Sommerstein, most of the Jews have to go to Palestine.’
"Here we have it from the mouth of a high officer of liberated Poland that the Jews are superfluous in the world! Is there need for a stronger testimonial? In Yugoslavia one of the heads of the Government told our Shlichim that the few survivors of the mass slaughter must stay in the country under the condition that they regard themselves as Yugoslavs of Mosaic confession.
"Even the Jewish blood shed they want to overlook with silence. In the official account of the terrible happenings in' the oamp of Maidanik, Jews are only mentioned by the way and the Poles, Austrians ,Dutch mention-ed in a way as if not the great majority of victims were Jews.
"The central feature of the revolution which takes place in our days amongst Jewry is the urge to Aliyah. vie must not fail this historical chance for Zionism. There 'was a time when we thought that we could re-establish the Golah, that we had to fight for Jewish rights in the Golah and that we could plan Aliyah on a long-term basis, How we are forced to see that our work concerning Aliyah has to bo completed immediately,
"All "experts" and "politicians" who advocate make-shift arrange-ments and provisional solutions in the Golah mistake the situation. If they succeed, on their conscience will bo the lives of thousands of people,
Aliyah immediately:
"Some people - even Zionists - amongst the survivors in Europe say: let us first recover what is ours and then let us go to Eretz Israel.
That is an entirely mistaken attitude. Neither wo Zionists nor any other responsible Jewish body can agree with intergovernmental bodies which deal with this question and do not recognise the solution of our problem -immigration to Palestine. We must oppose all plans of reparations which work only after return to the country of origin. Such policy is follow-ed by U.N.R.R.A. Recently U.N.R.R.A. agreed to consider in our case rehabilitation as even in case a person does not go back to his "homeland,"
"And what are the possibilities for emigration to countries other than Palestine? In the critical years 1943-1944 918 people only entered the U.S.A. out of the thousands who needed rescue, and even those are
supposed to stay there only temporarily. Australia, Canada, the Argon-tine - all these countries shut their doors to Jewish immigrants; there is no hope that they will he opened to us after the war.
"For the Jewish people specific economical and. sociological laws are valid. The question is whether this time we will succeed to rescue many between two catastrophies, The exodus" from the European Golah has to be regarded as a pressing need by us and by the whole world.
No Certificates: . .. ...
"The immigration into Palestine is do facto Just now interrupted; that should be kept in mind by us and by the Jews, in the Golah. 1,300 certificates remain as for distribution amongst. 310,000 Jews in Rumania and 45,000 in Bulgaria (after 3,200 Jews have already gone in' the last few months). We saw before how Sommerstein went abroad, from liberated Poland, to find possibilities for the "superfluous" Jews in that country. We have no certificates to offer help. In Switzerland there is a des-perate situation concerning certificates and similarly so in relation to refugees in Italy and Western Europe, not to speak of the urgent problems in Yemen and Turkey. The Jewish people - and indeed humanity - if such still exists, cannot tolerate that the gates of our land are closed in a time like this. We have worked out plaa3 to establish immediate possi-bilities for absorbing 20,000 - 30,000 children within the framework of Youth Aliyah. We have agreed as a detailed plan for the reception of thousands of adults, oven under war conditions.
Reliof:
" Our representative who returned from Rumania recently told us:
"The Jews in Rumania, need, two things: Aliyah and bread.’ We still have to fight for Aliyah but they cannot wait for bread. 60% of the Jews in all liberated countries are without any means or sustenance. If we put the yearly needs of a man for food as low as .£40, then wo reach a 3um of £20,000,000 for. food alone as immediately needed. To our regret the help is slow in coming. The .international bodies did little yet -besides the help the Red Army is giving - but to discuss plans of work, U.H.R.R.A. has missions up till now only in Italy and Greece. The Jews cannot wait till all the official bodies agree on a policy. If they would, life would be extinct by the time help comes. We have already helped with 11\2 million pounds collected in Palestine, Of this wo spent £350,000 for immigrants and 3\4 million abroad in twelve different countries, We participated in joint action with other Jewish bodies, gave help wherever necessary. But wherever possible, we saw to it that our help was productive, for instance in productive Hachsharah for Palestine. "We met difficulties in this work not only from outside, but from Jewish bodies as well. But we insist that no organisation has a
22
monopoly in this respect. be stress the need for unity in relief work, unity of all organisations and bodies, and the Zionist movement amongst them.
”Heed for Allyah exists as is shorn, foremost in Europe, "but in Canada, South Africa, Argentine - a Jewish problem exists which needs immediate attention, Zionism in U.S.A. and England approaches a stage where Zionist realisation becomes a necessity. In the countries of the Middle East a situation arose which, with economic restrictions and a growth of anti-semitism, is highly reminiscent of the situation in certain eastern Euro-pean countries, To avoid a catastrophe we must pay attention to these -phenomena in good time, oven outside Europe."
The New Tasks of Hecsalutz:
"It would be a mishako to assume that mass immigration makes chclutz-ic Hachsharah superfluous The extent to which organised rescue and re-caption of Aliyah of thousands can take place depends directly on the grade of our ability to organise Hachsharah. Fortunately, the majority of Jewish survivors in the Golah, are still young. Our task is to bring Jews into the country. in the shortest possible time, but as long as they remain in the Golah, every day should be devoted to Hachsharah.
"The tasks before Heohalutz arc different, today and we must adapt ourselves to the new needs" We cannot yet reach conclusions about the methods of Hechalutz in the new period without consulting our comrades working in. the Golah. We have not yet had detailed reports on the posi-tion in Hechalutz, We can trust that our comrades in the Golah appre-ciate better than we the abyss in which Jewry finds itself and the urgency of our tasks, we have heard a lot about the deeds of our comrades in the partisan grouper and in the camps. There chaverim of all groups worked together. They found themselves in the same concentration camp or the same forest. A cooperation based on the things we have in common and based on the not be of the hour arose. It is pur duty to remember those who fell in the struggle, This obliges us not to exploit their achieve-ment for our different partios but to come together in consultation and cooperation with those ho survived.
"It is a vain discussion whether in the past the way of Hechalutz was good or bad. We all agree that is has given to the land the best it
had. But is it justified today to have different Hachsharah groups for six organisations in one country?
"The now conditions demand from us common action. The situation
23 -
asks for more Jewish solidarity, more love of Israel. I believe that in the great Jewish public these ideas grow stronger and stronger. Testi-monial to that is, amongst other things, the resolution of Hashomer Hatzair in this country, in the fifteenth year of its existence, to raise the blue-white flag and to recognise the Hatilcvah as the national Anthem, out of the feeling of unity and solidarity with the Golah and its symbols.
Are we then going to transform the Hochalutz of the masses (and we have to establish it first) into a fighting ring and are we to project our inner differences into it? For what is the task ahead? Is it to explain the political differences which we have and the advantages of the different forms of settlement? Or is it the rescue of the Golah through immediate large-scale Aliyah? Of course our work of settlement is important in the education of chaiutzim. But is it well, that ’by chance’ Olim from one. country went to the group of settlements to which their Shaliach belonged? The more Shlichim we send, the more strife amongst them, if they regard themselves as representatives of their factions only. If we have to fight for Olim - is it not better to fight for them when they are here?
The purely factional interests will not lead us to the solution of our fateful task. We saw that before the war in Rumania, for instance, there was factional strife after the German occupation, there were mutual accu-sations and now,after liberation, the youth movements have nothing bettor to do than to establish their own sections amongst the ’stam’ chaiutzim, (chaiutzim who are not connected with any group). Hashomer Hatzair founded B’nei Avodah, Hoar Zioni - Dor Chadash, other movements - their own organisations - is that to be our way? Are we not going to learn our terrible lesson?
"The demand of the hour is to create a maximum of Jewish unity as the general basis of chalutziuth. We need unity through conscious effort, not compulsion. Therefore in our discussion on the Hechalutz, the stress has to be not so much on bhe question whether it should bo a general Zionist Hechalutz, or a Histadruth Hechalutz, but on the question of unity, without partitions and without factions. Let us first agree amongst our-selves, within the Histadruth, on united action. Let us send Shlichim who are going to work together, let the trends within the Histadruth or-ganise a united Hechalutz, not split into hostile factions who care first for the interests of their grouping. Let us see that there is no addi-tional framework within Hechalutz, neither in the Snifira nor in Hachsharah. When the factions give up their rights and spend their energies on the work, of Hechalutz as a whole we can achieve our aim. But our intentions must be clear: we create the unity of the whole chalutzic front.
"The difficult question is: how to achieve unity while we are split into factions here? But perhaps we can believe that this time unity will come from the Golah. There the need is felt more than any-where else. In France a truly united Hechalutz has already arisen.
That is the outcome in Italy too. In Bulgaria the different trends
- 24
agreed to work together ,without factions, Rumania is an exception at
present. We are building Hechalutz in Europe anew, let us exploit the opportunity and let us build on sound foundations.
"We act today with a feeling that the ground burns under our feet. We have to help the Golah with Shlichin, teachers, workers who organise relief, rescue and Aliyah. The few Shlichin who worked in Europe during the war did narvels. But now we have to mobilise greater forces to rescue the Golah. All energies of the Kibbutz, the Kvutza, the Moshav, even from the town, from the workers' suburbs, from the cooperative must join to form a great mission to redeem the Golah, to.bring it over to Palestine under Jewish autonomous administration. All must help to or-ganise the Aliyah and its reception in,the country. Thus the face of the Golah is towards Aliyah and ours towards the Golah. In these days all depends on our own. accomplishments. Our banner is towards self-realisation. We know, too, that when peace comes and a new world is being planned, the fate of the Jewish people will be decided too and we demand our rights. The solution of our problem depends on one issue and one issue only: on Aliyah into the country.
"We will not be judged by a programme, but by our deeds and by what we have accomplished."
Pointing out the terrible situation of the remnants of European Jewry, Chazan said: "Their only hope is a mass All yah to Eretz Israel.
But as yet the gates of Palestine remain locked and today we still cannot estimate the probable tempo of Aliyah. We of the Labour Movement cannot leave them to wait alone. We must send our chavorim to help them over this interim period, to build up some sort of life in the Golah, while they await their Aliyah. We have to fight for their basic democratic rights as Jews and human beings.
Perhaps we shall be able to evacuate them in a few years to Pales-tine, but should this not be the case, we cannot adopt the attitude that the situation is catastrophic and leave them to the Communists and the Bund. We must stay with them until the day they emigrate to Eretz Israel, all the while preparing them mentally and physically for their life in Eretz Israel.
From the Discussion
YAAKOV CHAZAN (Hshomer Hatzair)
25 ־
And just because we envisage a mass Aliyah of hitherto unattained dimensions, there is an even greater need, for a chalutzic vanguard. The best of our youth in the Golah must be educated to this task; they must be capable of blazing the trail for the Jewish masses, and building up Erctz Israel, so that it can absorb them within as short a period as poss-ible, and in a systematic and humane manner.
The present situation in tho Golah demands a Hpchalutz Movement;
"Our chaverim have always acted as the vanguard to the Jewish masses, have always shown the most mature outlook towards the acute problems of the Jewish people 1 For they have been thoroughly educated to act in this manner. And has the situation of the Jewish people altered in any funda-mental way since the Hechnlutz was founded? Can any of you propose better educators for the chaverim of the Hechalutz than the chaverim of the'Histadruth? Chaverim, how can we go to the Jewish youth in the Golah and expect them to keep faith in pur way of life, if ':re do not explain to them the true realities of Palestine?.
"No 'general’ education will be able to fight against those forces which today are 30 strongly influencing the Jewish youth of the Golah.
Here, on the platform of the Histadruth Conference, it is very easy for you, chaverim of the Mapai, to pour scorn on the ,forces of tomorrow’.
But over there in the Golah, in the Balkan countries, it is not so easy to use such language about those to whom the. Jewish people owe their very lives. The Hussion Jewish Communists represent the forces which deter-mined at most the events of yesterday. We have to face those who are building the world of tomorrow. And we shall never win over the Jewish youth from their influence unless we come with a true picture of Eretz Israel. We shall have to arm the Jewish youth with a spiritual power so strong that they can stand up to these forces, that can help them to fight against the temptation to assimilate, that can aid them in their struggle to continue our way of life. We shall have to educate our chaverim with .a fundamental knowledge of the Socialist Zionist Movement: fox' their task of fighting for the very souls of the Jewish youth in the Golah will continue so long as there remain Jews in this Golah. So long as the Jowish people remain as a small unprotected minority, this strong tendency to assimilate will continue.
"Only chalutz forces which will go to the Golah with their complete spiritual and sociological heritage can achieve such a task, Ben Gurion has suggested that we should hide these very values until the Jewish youth reach Palestine, but we cannot accept such concepts. Chaverim, the Hechalutz must bring to the Golah everything good we hold in common, a belief in the right of every section of the Zionist Movement to exist. We, in Palestine, should set the example, if we desire unity in the Golah. Such a unity will never come about 30 long as we in Palestine are engaged in such bitter conflicts.
- 26 -
Where Goneralisations have led to:
"The chaverim of the Mapai have spoken of the 'general' chalutz and about 'general' Shlichim. I am very sorry to say that I cannot believe that these chnverim have been speaking in earnest, for every action they have taken regarding chnverim of the opposition parties belies their state-monts. How can I trust thorn when they do not even pay due respect to our chnverim as individuals, as good chnverim of the Histadruth? Let me bring just one example, from many, to prove this point. In the Histadruth dole-gation to Poland before the war there was one chavor from our Movement,
A.G., who is now in Italy. He was on Shlichut as a representative of the Histadruth, yet because he was not a member of the majority party, he has not boon allowed to participate in the rescue work in Italy, but I am sure that had he been a chaver of the Mapni, this state of affairs would never have occurred. He is an old chaver and had no need to remain in Italy, but that work which he was prevented from doing by the action of the representatives of the Mapai,was the very reason which has kept him in Italy until now.
”I could bring you many examples such as this. The chaverim of the Mapni talk about choosing chaverim on their personal merits. We have had enough of their choice. In future we shall not rely on such methods, but demand that which is within our rights.
A few words about tho 'United flochalutz':
"The chaverim of the Mapai claim that they are not out to ruin our Movement in any way. Yet their decision on a 'united Hochalutz' would achieve this aim for then quite well wore we to comply with their decision. For we shall no longer be given the right to approach the Jewish youth in the Golnh as chaverim of the Histadruth, but we have once before continued our work illegally in the countries of tho Balkans and in Poland. Then it was because of the decrees of the reactionary states. How we have to work illegally because of the decisions of a Conference of the Histadruth.
"Yet where will this general Hechalutz lead? If we consider a coun-try such as Persia where the Jewish youth cannot yet oven read or write, then can there be any points of disagreement between us? But supposing wo consider a country such as Egypt which is also within the realm of the
'General' Hechalutz. Has homer Hatzair was established many years ago and there are already many chnverim from the Egyptian Movement in our Kibbutzim today, but because Egypt comes under the category of a Hear Eastern coun-try this implies that we must dissolve our Movement there. Or perhaps we shall be allowed to continue our Maon in Cairo as part of a United Hechalutz, while in Alexandria wo will have to disband our Maon. The members of the Mapai have threatened that if we do not dissolve our Move-ment, then they will forbid our chaverim to participate in the Keren Kayometh activities. This is how they will speak to the children. Yet
our. Movement is the only section Of the Zionist Movement there which has sent chalutzim to Eretz Israel. If this nay is not destruction of our Movement, then I should like to hear of a better method?
Our right t0 existence is threatened :
"Dobkin has asked us to question our chaverim from Rumania. Of course we shall consider their opinion on this question. But by what right do you come, chaver: Ben Gurion and demand that our chaverim discard that Movement which they guarded, over these terrible years. Our chaverim who had. led the Jewish youth in the battles in the ghettoes, were amongst the first Jewish partisans. Will you never be convinced that they intend to rebuild their Movement and not to disband their groups, they, and also the chaverim of Gardenia and the other chalutzic Youth Movements? In Rumania there are chaverim of the Hashomer Hatzair who were for years in the Fascist jails with the sentence of death ana twenty-five years imprisonment hanging over their heads. Few they are free and have voluntarily given up their right to Aliyah so as to carry on their task of rebuilding the chalutzic Youth Movements. So long as you will not allow us to send chaverim to replace them they will remain at their task. And what power here will say to than that they shall not rebuild there Movement?
”I an sorry to say that I think Ben Gurien was very much mistaken about the situation in Rumania. She truth of the matter is that there exists a united delegation of Shliehim from all the Youth Movements co-operating fully, one with the other, and helping all the existing groups.
And I am proud to say that our chavorim of Hashoner Hatzair have shown a real spirit of solidarity. For they helped to rebuild the Poale Zion in Rumania, seeing in this an elementary Ziontst task.
We shall reach the Jewish Youth by every means!:
"How will any decision at this Conference prevent us from approach-ing the Jewish youth? Me intend to rebuild our Movement in every country where there remain sections of the Jewish people. all that a Histadruth decision can achieve is to poison the atmosphere within the Hochalutz, instead of trustful cooperation, a spirit of lying and mistrust will develop. In such an atmosphere we shall not bring chalutzic education, but can only conduct a hunt after the souls of the Jewish youth.
Cooperation of all the chalutzic forces:
"When we are considering the backward communitios where there is the need to bring to the Jewish youth a knowledge of Ivrit, of our funda-mental nationalist concepts, then there is no question of a united Hecha-lutz. For this is a fundamental Zionist task, but it is a different matter when we consider those Jewish communities that possess a past, rich
- 28 ־
in cultur-l traditions and militant nationalism. We have to guarantee here that the R'eehalutz will he built in such a way as to enable all ten-denotes to approach the Jewish youth, while at the same time continuing a comradely cooperation. Any other way can only lead to complete failure.
I, with all the representatives of the existing Chalutz Youth Movements within the Hiatndruth, am convinced that it is within the power of chalutzic Zionism to win the Jewish youth cf the Gplah to Zionism. We are prepared to meet any demand for greater courage or greater preparation for this tremendous task that follows a war of complete destruction of our previous work. But by setting up now a Hechalutz of the Jewish Agency you will achieve very little.
"You, chaverim of the Mapai, have always been the ones to talk about Unity, but your every action only results in further internal discord.
Even as you propose this now plan to bring unity in the Golah, here in
Eretz Israel the conflicts between us increase from day to day. And the Hechaluts in the Golah can never be a living force unless it reflects the workers’ Movement in Palestine. There is no bettor Zionist education for the Jewish youth than towards membership of the Histadruth and the workers’ Movement in Palestine. Other chaverim may imagine the opposite, but we do not. And in turn, only the representatives of the workers’ Movement will bo capable of this task of education and leadership of the Jewish youth.
Only the ahaverin of the Histadruth can educate our youth in the Golah; they and no others I"
Speaking of the need for the Jewish people to emigrate to Palestine in the shortest possible time,continued: "Chaverin, the discussion between us concerns the creation of a single united Hechalutz movement as opposed to separate chalutzic groups. Chazan has the proposal that everything that has existed in the past we should rebuild again. What a Marxist and revolutionary judgement! I could understand any other 0haver but Chazan had they made these proposals. But just Chazan, the chaver who has always stood up against the status quo, has on this occasion seen the point, in our concepts, of sanctifying the past.
"Have no new developments taken place in the position of the Jewish people? Can we really apply those methods that were so suitable in the past?
There exists a new reality:
"What is the real state of affairs amongst the Jewish people in the
Pinclas Lulianikes (MAPAI)
- 29
Golah today? Be have all heard the" terrible reports of chaverim Dobkin and don Gurion. So let me just take a feu examples fron their statements,
In Transylvania, before the war, there lived 200,000 Jews of whom only
6,000 retain alive today. And what kind of Jew shall we find there? Men without their wives, without their children, without their fanily. Men who have lost every basic connection uath organised hymn society and, with tho only desire to live once again as decent huran beings. They are not simply refugees. Thoy arc the tragic remains of a whole people.
"And what have 7.0 heard fron Poland? 50,000 Jews romain alive. But only with great difficulty can we describe the situation there. A single Jew in a whole town, a. youngster here, a girl there, cut off fron all or-ganised society. And "hat will bo the situation in Hungary when the Russians have captured the whole country? qill we not find there the same picture? And does not the same reality hold for the remnants of the German and Czech Jews?
"How are wo to cone to these Jews and toll then all that has existed in the past-shall be sot up again? Have wo the sane human' material, or the sane social reality as existed before? Can this human material create that rich life of: the former Golah?
"And there is a new political reality whose significance many would not realise. The groat majority of the European Jewry will be under the rule of the Soviets, under the yoke of the Russian dictatorship. This dictatorship, can take different forms, but all of Us will agree that under such a rule a disunited Hechalutz jeopardises its every chance of continu-ing its Zionist and chalutzic activities,. If there was any political reality which demanded the maximum of unity, and the creation of a united framework, then it is that of Eastern Europe today.
"There is one further natter of importance for the chalutzic move-nent. Thebe was a tine when there were six million Jews in Europe and amongst them millions who could have been chaverim of the chalutzic movements. But today there remain in Eastern Europe only 400,000 or perhaps 500,000 Jews. From these how many aro youth eligible for member-ship of Hechalutz? Perhaps 100,000 or 150,000. Even should the Aliyah proceed at the slower or more organised tempo, of some 20,000 to 50,000 a year, it would be possible to bring all of the youth, every Jewish child fron the Golah to Palestine within three to six years. Unfortunately there, is no danger of any catastrophic stychic Aliyah: there are no millions, of Jews to bring about such a problem.
"In suohia reality as exists today it is possible to solve the problem of Aliyah of the young generation through an Aliyah of several hundred thousands a year. Does not such a scheme offer possibilities of joint chalutzic Hachsharot, of common education, of the children in basic
- 30 -
Zionist concepts, until such a time that they arrive in Eretz Israel? Zionism versus Anti-Zionism:
"What is the situation that confronts us in Europe today? Hot one of us can ho sure as to the actual spiritual state of affairs amongst the Jewish youth, hut it is very probable that we shall face a hitter struggle against the anti-Zionist forces. We are confronted not with a struggle of one aspect of Zionism against another, hut a fight for the souls of the Jewish youth, against the efforts of the organised anti-Zionist forces.
Our opponents will possess all the political power of a successful regime, while behind our attempts there will he only our ideals. Can you not realise that in such a situation as this we shall have to wage for every Jewish soul, a struggle full of anguish and despair! How can we go about such a task, disunited as in the good old days, that have long since gona? In the fateful struggle between Zionism and anti-Zionisn is it not an elementary duty to present the Zionist case as a united body, so as to stand successfully, against the power and forces that arc likely to be ranged against us?
"Chaverim,this way wo shall not endanger our spiritual values. Our influence and strength is such that we have nothing to fear from a more general framework. Rather we should be afraid of the disunity within our ranks and the weakness it brings to our forces. For why do we continue to fight for unity? Why do we fight that all the workers of Palestine enter our ranks if we are afraid of a general framework? Because by open-ing our ranks to all the youth we shall be able to contact all strata of the Jewish Youth, as yet not reached by the Hechalutz, How can they who are so assured of the rightness of their principles, be so afraid of a wider framework? How can they continue to hide themselves at this epoch in their small closed-in groups? The Histadruth is the power in Eretz Israel today. Where is the danger of membership of a general framework associated with the latter? We must guarantee that we set up a general framework sufficiently wide to allow all educational methods,
"Chavorim, the Jewish people remains, a small minority in Europe: the Jewish youth is so snail in number. He who does not realise this can-not have appreciated all that has happened to our people. Our Movement is accustomed to take responsibilities and face cruel reality. We have to open our eyes and see the present situation as it really is.
"There remains only the remnants of the Golah, a small number of youth. More than anything else they demand of us unity of all the Zionist forces, unity of all the chalutzic forces in Palestine, Every-thing which strengthens this unity strengthens the Histadruth and the power of the working classes in Eretz Israel
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I must, admit that I hove no pleasure in writing these lines. To work in a chalutz movenent demands a lot" of tine and energy and there is really no tine left to ,indulge an polemics of any kind - if one can avoid it.
Reading through the last issue of' "Dvar Hochalutz" I found a letter concerning the youth work in Manchester, One could writs a great deal about this, but I propose not to do so now as I could not hope (as nobody should think ho could) to givo an adequate-picture in just a page or two.
As a. chaver of Heoholutz, I an however somewhat concerned about the two Youth Movements of Hechalutz, Hashorner Hatzair and Habonim and as it is the case here in Manchester. In the mentionod article of Horst. Hauschild it is stated that the cooperation between the Youth Movements was, as opposed to new, much better and more active a year or so ago.
But over a year ago there was hardly a Habonim Movement left in Manchester with which to cooperate. what cooperation there was was rather one-sided There were no senior madrichim of ,Habonim in Manchester at the time, while Hashorner Hatzair had quite a few active senior ehaverim and madrichim here.
Prior to this period many chaverim of Habonim wont ever to Hashomer Hatzair, taking, with them a complete Godud. Many English chaverim in Stalybridge, for instance, are former members of Habonim.
During the year 1944 it was our task to re-establish a movement of Habonim here in Manchester, in which we have, succeeded to some degree.
That there is today in Manchester a Habonim movement of more than 150 ehaverim, a Both Habonim with a chevra of 12, should at least, in a small way, be gratifying even to Hashomer Hatzair, even if the chaverim are members of Habonim.
We, therefore, d0 not consider we wasted our time completely if we have concentrated on building a movement up again, siren if we took some
A PREPLY TO HORST
C00PESITION - REAL AND FICTITIOUS
by ERIC LUCAS.
22
time "off" to do our own educational work.
But even so, we in Habonin have token more than our share in general and Zionist youth work in the town. Although there were only two and not four c haver in of Habonim the executive of the Zionist Youth Council,
elected in Hay 1944, we have worked very actively together with all the Zionist Youth movements here and I hope chaverin from Hashomer Hatzair will forgive us if we did not confine our activities entirely to cooperation with them, but preferred to extend our activities more towards non-chalutzic youth.
How unjust the whole article of Horst is will be seen from one sig-nificant example. After the "four chaverim from Hobonim" were elected, the Youth Council started off with a series of joint functions. On the insistence of Hashomor Hatzair (although there was only one chnvorah of Hashomor Hatzair) the first lecture was to be "The Jewish-Arab problem."
As it happened, only chaverin from our two movements turned up to speak.
But the educational value of this particular function is open to very, grave doubts. Most of the people there were young chaverin between 14 and 17, none of whom spoke in the discussion, and the whole evening was a discussion between the adrichim of the two movements. Each "side" went home with the feeling that, they had'won the day and the chaverin. were not greatly impressed-by the value of such functions. Anyhow the Bi-National State was thoroughly discussed.
After this it was found more advisable to have "outside" lecturers speaking to joint functions of the movements, especially as at tho time T.V.A, refused any cooperation with Hashomor Hatzair, But the proposed lecturers could not come and to continue the above described inter functions did not seen to be very productive,
Horst does not trouble himself to explain why the "Jewish Youth
Forum" failed, which was intended, to use his one words, '"to attract non-Zionist Youth." As he. has a two year experience of Manchester, he my have learnt that one does not attract unorganised youth with such singular functions, with speakers and discussions .
Jewish Youth in Manchester is much more organised than Horst perhaps knows, but in a way which makes it rather difficult for him to approach then about Zionism. There are many clubs, with many hundreds of members, (some clubs have long waiting lists) and they are rather discouraged by the variety of Zionist and especially chnlutzic Youth movements, and cor-tainly will not be convinced by occasional meetings and fiery speeches.
Ho, I an afraid the difficulty has to be looked for in another direction. As far as the cooperation, especially between Hashomer Ha-tzair and Habonim is concerned, from many examples one could give I
- 32
would like only to quote a very recent one which is rather significant of * what the real mental background is like. A few weeks ago four junior members of Hashoraer Hatzair carafe to a, meeting of the . junior Chavurah of Habonim. when asked afterwards how they had liked the meeting and if they were not rather young for the group they had come to see, the ready reply came:- "be may be younger in years but mentally we are far more advanced than your chaverim,"
But the real difficulty I should like Horst to consider is just this last point. It is just not good enough to talk about cooperation when the basic will for cooperation is non-existent. Me are concerned here with Youth movements and not with chaverim of Hochalutz. As a Youth movement our first responsibility is to educate. from all the chalutzic Youth movements (apart from the orthodox ones) Hashomer Hatzair is the only movement which could, not make up its mind to join in the setting up of a united chalutz Youth movement in this country. It is just net good enough to complain about the small numbers the chalutzic Youth movements have got if much energy is spent in explaining to young chavcrim the difference's between Hashomer Hatzair and Habonim,
Horst is sufficiently well trained in dialectical thinking (anyhow as he sees it) to know that if there is no basic cooperation the inciden-tal cooperation will always suffer. And basic cooperation in the chalutzic Youth movements in this country means organisational unity.
You cannot constantly stress why your own movement has to be separate and then demand basic cooperation. If Hashomer.Hatzair is really concerned with the unity of the chalutzic Youth movements, well, there is one way open to them which was open to Maoonhi Hatzair, Continental Habonim, Gordonia, Hetzach and English Habonim, and which these Youth movements eventually took. fhis Idhud has saved the chalutzic Youth movement in this country.
We do not want (to be polite) fictitious cooperation, we want real cooperation - and this time really for the sake of Jewish Youth, and not only in Manchester.
־34־
To those who spread this legend without hesitation Goes out my sympathy in this, ny dedication:
Be not surprised that I take you to task for it,
Be honest - you did really ask for it.
Every legend has its distant roots in past reality. The interpre-tation of strange happenings gives full scope to the power of imagination and fantasy of the perplexed individuals. It is in the handing down from generation to generation, from man to man, from half-wit to half-wit that an amazing (yet mostly scientifically oxplanablc) phenomenon gains shape and assumes proportions that are often as far removed from the truth as they are accepted and devoured by the credulous masses. Bet us trace the origin and attempt to explain the mysterious attraction of the legend of "The Letter and the Line."
As a movement Hashoner Hatzair can well afford to ignore the recurr-ing jests and gibes and jocular remarks of pious and unquestioning he-lievers in this legend. It is as a private individual, holding no office in Hashoner Hatzair, and not as a spokesman that I undertake this piece of political and psychological research. I have received no letters to that extent and am not aware of the present party line with regard to the legend.
Though there are understandable variations, this is I think a fair summary of commonly held beliefs.
"That every section of the world youth movement of Hashoner Hatzair receives at regular intervals episcopal letter from Merchavia (the Polit-Bureau) which defines the attitude,
adhd'rents of this particular and peculiar faith have to take
in different instances. That the rank and file of Shonrim are misled yet innocent lambs anxiously awaiting with a blank-page-mind the 'Holy Encyclica' from Palestine so as not to stray from the rightoou3 path and forfeit their right of admission to the other world, the 'Bi-nationpl Wonder-land'. That the ’Holy Synod’ in Merchavia sends out apostles to various countries to spread the true and only
THE LEGEND OF THE
LETTER AND THE LINE
By Laui
- 55 -
gospel and to educate their flocks to humble obedionce and admiration of Saint Jaari, Saint Chasan and others.
"That the selective and seclusive congregation see in their apostles residing in Golders Green the embodiment of clarity and truth, whose lips could not let fall a false word.
"That on an occasional visit fron one of the Saints, Saint Oren,a holy communion is established between the sect in Palestine and that in this country, where new instructions are being issued and praise and blane justly distributed.
"That the members of the congregation must think, speak and pray in unison as there can be only one truth and only one tune in which it has to bo chanted."
Though I have clothed those notions in a picturesque form I do not believe to have overstated the importance attached by some naive elements to instructions from Morchavia and the dicta fron Bloomsbury on the forma-tion of opinion of the average Shomer.
Would these charges bo true, I personally, would resign from my membership of Hashomer Hatzair. I have pondered on these accusations, I have taken into consideration ray own experiences ( as far as I am conscious of them) and after, what I think, was a fair mental trial, I cane to the conclusion of their completely legendary character. This does not blind no of certain faults or dangers inherent in what I believe to be a truly democratic organisation.
What is the true face of this problem?
Hashomer Hatzair stresses (rightly or wrongly) the political character of its collectives. It regards the Kibbutzim not only as an economic and social framework, an educational method, but a political weapon. It believes them to be the outposts and vanguard of the Jewish working-class in Palestine. Necessarily the Kibbutzim inside the Kibbutz Coderation, the individuals inside the Kibbutz must unite on a certain political (and if you like - philosophical) basis. As a result it must mint a in unity of purpose and action. within this political frame (which I consider to be broad enough) there is complete liberty of ex-prossion and room for wide divergencies. But the essential point is this: The thrashing out of problems (and people), the fighting for recognition of one’s own views must be directed towards the enunciation of one common policy. Minorities must realise (as in any other demo-critic movement) that they are only minorities ana that they can only become majorities by struggling inside the movement and not by carrying the issues at stake to the wide public. Call this 'rigidity’ but ask
- 36 -
yourself whether this is not democratic and elementary rigidity?
The. Youth 'movements in the Diaspora are obviously in a different position. Their members, whilst, officially evidently not members of Kibbutz Artzi, owe allegiance to the Worid Youth Mcvenont of Hashomer Hatzair and regard the Veidah Olamit as its supreme body. Major questions of policy have to be brought before this forum and will be decided there, Contrary perhaps to some superstitions, chaverim in this country have pro-served an essential amount of independence of thought and visitors at our Veidoth have often marvelled how we can find a common basis, The tram-sitional programme to the Bi-national State for instance, though being the official party-line of Kibbutz Artzi has been subject to severe and search-ing criticism in some of its aspects and several tines votes had to be taken. Our attitude to the Jewish Brigade whs moulded without any "inter-ference" from Eretz Israel, although it would not be surprising that in such an important problem guidance and more detailed information should be asked for from Horchavia - not as a party-whip - but as a basis for dis-suasion, The validity of the outcome of our deliberation was confirmed by subsequent reports, from the policy-shaping bodies in Palestine,
What would happen if we should disagree, with Palestine in prominent issues, is a natural question. I should imagine we Would suspend a final decision until the necessary clarification had been achieved. A certain working formula would have to be found, but I believe that we would never act against our own conscience if such a delicate conflict should ever arise. I for myself, having boen accused of many things, but not of being a yes-nan or a stooge, have not felt any pressure to be brought to act against my better judgment or any limitations to the free expression of toy views.
That there is an inherent danger lurking in any such political dis-ciplino cannot be denied. There is a definite tendency of any executive to got decisions and policies Confirmed and implemented. Therefore executives might well go the way of least resistance and demand their resolution to be passed, their decisions approved as a matter of confi-dence and fidelity. But I have noticed too many watch-dogs in the ranks of the "underdogs" of Hashoner Katzair to let that kind of challenge go unanswered. Any executive must be rebuked for such an attempt - and trust me wo can do it as well as anybody else - if not better.
Complementary to the danger from above is the danger from below.
The process of individual and independent formation of opinion is a very difficult yet extremely important aspect of our education. How far Hashoner Hatzair, or for that Habonin has succeeded in this sphere is beyond the scope of my article. But I am certainly aware of the danger of younger chaverim in both movements taking for granted the infallible; correctness of the pronouncements of the leading personalities. Yet to
- 37
think this being confined to Hashoner Hatzair is as absurd as it is dis-honest. Whatever can be done to combat this blind-alley of education must be done with swiftness, vigour and understanding.
This being the situation, I dare to prick the bubble of the legend and hope it will consequently dissolve into thin air. There remains only one task: to explain why and how this "Legend of the Letter and the Line" cane into being. And I will attempt to give an answer even though it nay create another legend, this tine about another set of people.
Mapai, Kibbutz Meuchad and Habonin differ considerably from Hashoner Hatznir as well as in the conceptions of the tasks as in the structure of Kibbutzim, but they have permanently tried to put into practice the vir-tues of party discipline, for which Hashoner Hatzair is being scorned and ridiculed. Why do they embark on this slippery path? There is a simple answer to it: Because we have succeeded in-enduring that discipline whilst thdy have not. For years this has been the bone of contention inside Mapai and inside the Habonin movement as a whole. But nothing is more dangerous to the unity of the working-class than indiscriminate, and ruth-less use of majority rights. You may pass a certain resolution but you will drive the minority out of the party framework.
Don't they agt on the advice, not to say instruction, from their Shlichim and fron Palestine? Naturally they do! Doesn’t their Executive expect tho rank and file to endorse their policy? Do not they attempt to create the accord of all politically conscious members? I know I will not go unanswered and I confidently throw out the challenge that the "Letter and Line" bogey is the mixed work of the political, ignoramus who cannot explain tho source of Hashomer Hatzair unity of action and of the well-informed who use it to camouflage their own discord and political immatur-ity.
WE DON'T WANT
TO MENTION NAMES,
BUT YOU
HAVE BORROWED BOOKS FROM THE LIBRARY
PLEASE RETURN THEM IMMEDiRTELY.
33 -
In accordance with the decision.of the Vaadat Hachsharah, a Snif Hechalutz was formed in Glasgow. The ideology of Hechalutz was brought to the fore and strengthened the shaverin in their convictions. - But of far .greater importance is the fact that the Snif can be the means of bring-ing together chaverim from different ohalutzic organisations and "stan” chalutzin. Unity is of paramount importance ana the force which can bo gained by chaverim,whose views on all subjects do not coincide ,cannot bo disregarded with impunity. We will try to make this cooperation real in Glasgow and we hope that this practice will not be an exception, but will bo the rule wherever chalutziuth exists.
At the moment, we are concentrating on Borochov - sichot by Wroc; and Palestine, institutions, present day problems etc. - sichot by Chanaan and Mordecai, Palestinian ohavterim of whose knowledge we take full advan-tage. Ivrit is new being learned in a determined manner and movement work has, if anything, increased.
Most of the chavrim are on war work of some kind and we feel that although we are unable to go on Hachsharah just now, our time is not being wasted altogether because industrial knowledge nay be very useful in.
Erotz.
The principle of self-realisation is fully understood here and we look forward to the day when wo. shall have accomplished this fully.
000 By Ella Brook.
A SNIF MECHALUTZ
IN GLASGOW
FROM THE SETTLEMENTS
RAMIM (MANARA)
Topography. Ramim, on a high hill 902 metres above sea-level, is probably the most pictur-esquely situated Jewish settlement in Palestine. It lies only less than five miles south-west of Kfar Gil'adi, but it takes a good two hours’ uphill climb over rough country to traverse the distance. The peak on which the settlement stands is called in Arabic, al-Manara, which means "The Lighthouse," and it is indeed aptly named. The Hebrew name of Ramim, which has supplanted it—it means "Heights ”—is also descriptive of its dominating position. Ramim overlooks the whole of the Huleh Plain, every feature of which can be seen on the clear, sunny days that prevail most of the year. From it one can see the Hermon, with its summit capped with snow throughout the year, and the mountains of the Lebanon range in the distance.
On the west, there is a view of the Mediterranean.
Climate. The summer at Ramim is cool, and there are pleasant breezes from the west. The winters, however, are severe ; the average annual rainfall is 900 millimetres, and there are violent tempests. Snow is not uncommon and sometimes covers the ground to a height of several inches.. In the winter, too, frosts and thick mountain mists are experienced.
Water. Ramim has no underground water resources of its own, and there are but slight hopes of supplying water from elsewhere, despite the fact that the Huleh and the numerous strearms that traverse its plain can be seen from the settlement. However, plans have been drawn up for conserving rainwater, which should be sufficient to supply domestic needs ; and already a number of cisterns have been hewn out of the rocky hillside.
Hisimric There does not appear to have been any human habitation in ancient times on
Assoiaitions. the site of Ramim itself, but near by, approximately half-way between Ramim
and Kfar Gil’adi, is the Arab village of Hunin, which has been identified with the Biblica Yanoah. This place was captured by Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, "in the days of Pekah king of Israel," and its inhabitants were carried into captivity in Assyria (2 Kings XV, 29).
There is a further mention of Yanoah in the Talmud as being the birthplace of one of the Sages, Abba Yossi ben Yohanan, whose knowledge of cultivation on narrow hillside terraces came in useful in deciding nice points of religious law with regard to agriculture. Incidentally, there is a traditon that beacons used to be lighted on the site of Ramim itself at the time of the Second temple to inform the dwellers in the valley below of the advent of religious festivals. To the
north of the village of Hunin are the remains of a Crusaders’ castle, called Chateau Neuf. It is
thought that it may stand on a more ancient site, possibly dating back to the time of the Second Temple ( bateau Neuf used to guard the road that led between the Lebanon and the Hermon
soutiwards down the valley.
The Settlers. The settlers of Ramim are all very young, and most of them are Palestinians who passed through the No’ar Ha’oved ("Working Youth") movement. The group first took shape at Ness Ziona, in Southern Judaea, and it was there that they began to dream of settling permanently in Galilee. Their next step was to send a detachment to Kfar Gil’adi, from where, one day in December, 1942, six young men went up to take possession of Manara. All they took with them to establish the Settlement was loaded on two mules. They did not begin by putting up temporary living quarters, which is usually the first step in founding a Settlement; they spent their first nights in a cave in the hillside.
Their first winter was a very difficult one. They lived in tents and a hut made of mats, exposed to the rain, snow, and cold. At the end of January, the snow lay 30 centimetres deep round the hut. The severe cold lasted well into March. But the hardy youngsters persevered. Under the supervision of experienced farmers from Kfar Gil’adi, they started work. Then a tractor was conveyed to Ramim. It had to be brought by a circuitous route, for the only road that connects Ramim to the outside world runs, at one point, through Lebanese territory. Ploughing began, and it was followed in due season by sowing. Gradually the settlers got to know the land of their new home. Nor were their efforts unsuccessful, for before a year was out a large hut had been erected, and a cowshed had been built. The building of more substantial houses is now in progress. To-day, the number of settlers at Ramim has risen to 65.
Farming at The Settlement of Ramim comprises 2,535 dunams of Jewish National Fund
Ramim. land, and its establishment is being carried out with the help of the Keren
Hayesod. The nature of the land varies considerably. Some of it is easy to cultivate, and the tractor has already ploughed it up. But the steep slopes cannot be rendered fit for cultivation until they have been terraced, so as to prevent the earth being washed away by the rains. There are also some areas strewn with rocks and boulders which, for the moment, are in the nature of a problem, for till now no attempt has been made by Jewish farmers to cultivate such land. Possibly the experts may devise ways of putting them to use.
The future of the settlement is to be based upon dry farming and fruit growing. The temperateness of the climate and the abundant dew during the summer, are conducive to the growth of fruit trees. It is thought that the types of fruit that grows in Europe—(and which are largely imported into Palestine in normal times)—such as cherries, plums, and apples, should do well there. Conditions at Ramim are also suitable for growing vegetable seeds, including seed potatoes. The fact that seed potatoes may be produced in Palestine—(the heat of the Emek and the Coastal Plain is too great for the purpose)—will be a boon to local agriculture, for up till now they have had to be imported from England.
Published by the Youth Department of Keren Hayesod, Jerusalem.APRIL /MAY 1945
JEWISH PARTISANS
WORLD T.U. CONFERENCE
A CHINESE FABLE
ASSIMILATION VERSUS
INTEGRATION
PUBU-SHED BY HASHOMER HATZAIR SOCIALIST ZIONIST YOUTH

השומר



הצעיר
For the first time for many years, May Day is not only a symbol of working class solidarity, but a day which we can celebrate with the absolute certainty of vietory over the worst enemy of the working class. Overwhelming joy and satisfaction fill our hearts at the death blow being delivered against the German Fascist armies. But our joy is. mingled with anguish when we think of the sufferings of the Jewish people. Our determination is
strengthened to end war and oppression by the only possible means - the over-throw of capitalism.
From the days of the unsuccessful upheavals in Europe following the last war, the working class has been on the retreat. Reaction consolidated itself, planning the destruction of the socialist movement.
In one country alone, the working class did not retreat. Arising from the October Revolution, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat achieved results in the economic, social and cultural fields, surpassing in thoroughness and speed, everthing attained in human history. Going from strength to strength the Soviet Union gained the necessary unity to assure victory over Fascism.
In other countries the military victory over Fascism is only the pre-condition for the final struggle for Socialism. The composition and deeds of the Resistance Movements, clearly demonstrate the identical nature of the interests of the working class and those of the nation as a whole.
Whilst in the countries coming
MAY DAY
1945
under the British and American spheres of influence, the Resistance Movements are being disarmed and their power undermined, in the territories occupied by the Red Army they are receiving encouragement.
The events in Greece of this year only confirmed our belief that the European people would not bo allowed to shape their own future unhindered by the machinations of power politics. But despite the setbacks in France, Belgium, Greece and elsewhere, the working class has regained confidence in its strength - a result of long years of successful resistance to Gorman occupation.
The Jewish Movement of National Liberation, led by the Palestine working class, has contributed its share to winning the war. By building up our national home and fighting our class struggle in Palestine, we shall contribute to the final victory of world socialism.
"All nations will come to Socialism, this is inevitable, but they will not reach it in the same way; every nation will introduce certain special features into this or that form of democracy, this or that variety of the dictatorship of the proletariat, this or that tempo of the Socialist transformation of the various sides of social life. There is nothing that is theoretically more paltry and practically more ridiculous, thapj to picture, in the name of "historic materialism" a future paintod in this respect in the samo drab colour."
Lenin.
By Yaakov Ladcnliein.
HISTADRUTH CONFERENCE - REPARATIONS - SOVIET POLICY.
THE HISTADBUTH CONFERENCE:
The first session of the newly elected Moetzah (council) of the Histadruth (General Federation of Jewish Labour) has taken place some weeks ago. For the chalutzic youth movements in the Golah the most important part of that discussion was the question of the future of "Hechalutz". A narrow majority carried a resolution demanding a "united Hechalutz", in which the various political factions should hot be allowed to function.
What was the decisive motive for Mapai (Jewish Labour party) to put forward these proposals? was it to strengthen the chalutzic movement, or was it to establish in the Golah a Chalutz movement which will be entirely dominated by Mapai and at the same time destroy the existing and potential youth movements of Hashomer Hatzair and T’nuah L’achduth Avoda ,(formerly Section B of Mapai)?
They Will Not Succeed: Since the majority of Mapai was reduced in
the last elections from 73% to 54%, they are even more abusing their rights as a majority. Never will we accept the dictates of a majority - especially if it only consists of 4% - to commit organisational suicide.
We understand the difficulties of Mapai, as their majority is dwindling and large sections of the working class are moving to the Left. We understand that they consequently want to cut off the natural resources of the Left, thereby strengthening their own position. But wc shall not oblige them.
We shall continue to exist in every country where Jewish Youth lives.
The Real Issue: What did the leaders of Mapai think about the
practical consequences when they forced this resolution on the Conference? Did they really believe that Hashomer Hatzair would renounce its right to bring its message to Jewish Youth in the Golah? Did they think we would agree to the establishment of a "united socialist-Zionist movement", which is supposed to educate to no party. Did they really believe that this (often tried) triok would this time succeed, after the rift between the Left and the Rights has become bigger than ever before?
as
They are certainly not so naive to believe all that.
- 2 -
COMMENTS
Chaim Weismann is one of the very few world national leaders who succeeded to remain at the helm of a liberating movement during the stormy period of two World wars. Many leaders have risen and disappeared during this era. Many have failed and have fallen by the wayside. Weizmann has not failed us.
We, of hashomer Hatzair, have supported Weizmann in the days of his triumph as well as in his isolation. We have not made this support unconditional. We have always opposed hero worship. We saw in Weizmann the leader of the popular front, and there was a time when wo were the only cues to practice it. Today, in the light of the War experience, many national movements have witnessed this, common front between labour and progressives, our popular front engraved on its banner the slogans of chalutziuth, constructivism and non-domination. We know that the progressive front in zionism has been distorted ever since the days of "partition", but we have not given up hope that it will be re-established under the leadership of Weizmann.
Meir Yaari.
WEIZMANN
They know as well as we do that a Socialist-Zionist youth movement cannot remain neutral towards the various trends of the Palestine Labour Movement for any length of time. One cannot educate towards a vacuum. Education must be based on the reality of Palestine and towards the reality of Palestine. And.: the reality of the Palestine Labour movement is the split between the Sight and the Left on the one hand, and their common work inside the Histadruth on the other. The Chalutz movement has been and always will be a true mirror of the situation in Palestine.
A Positive Result: Unity will never be achieved through force.
This resolution carried with a small majority was only a pyrrhio victory' for Mapal. Mapai has not achieved "unity" but nolens volens two other results.
On the one hand they have still more widened the rift between themselves and the Left. On the other hand the opposition parties were brought closer together. The united stand taken by the three Left parties in the Conference was followed afterwards by discussions between them. The strengthening of the Left coalition is the most positive result of this resolution.
THE GERMANS MUST PAY.
Whether or not the entire German People is guilty, is far us lows no academical question. While we are aware that the policy as regards Germany will be decided by the Big powers and not by us, we are nevertheless vitally interested in this issue. We could not possibly demand that the German people repay the property robbed from hundreds of thousands of Jews, were we not convinced that the German people and not only the leaders of the Nazi party are guilty.
It would be senseless to suggest that the cost of reparations should be carried only by the German capitalists. why? There are two reasons. If such a proposal should be accepted (that only the German bourgeosie should pay) - and this assumption is quite fantastic, because for obvious class reasons America and Britain would never agree to it - it would still be meaningless in practice. The German capitalists will get the money back by lowering wages etc. This is self-evident as otherwise they would have even less chance of regaining their competitive power with their counter-parts in other countries. Therefore, in the end, the German working class wil have to pay it indirectly.
The German Workers share the guilt: The seoond and even more
important reason for not
absolving the German working class from paying a heavy penalty, is the undisputable fact that they have one hundred percent identified themselves with Fascism and its brutal rule.
- 3 -
its Bentov rightly pointed out: ,'The Germans are not as a rule cowards. Millions of them have shown that they know how to fight even when they realise that their lives arc lost in any case.... Thdt should be clear to those advocates of gustico who try to explain that the German soldiers have obeyed the or ders to murder children, slaughter women and burn old people, because the fear of the Gestapo prevented them from doing anything against it. Those same millions of Germans possessed an over-whelming measure of courage- to give their lives for the Fuhrer in the desperate struggle for Stalingrad, Brest and casino, but they did not have enough courage - not even ten thousand of them, and not even one thousand - to prevent the Gestapo carrying out the massacres of innocent people, old men, women and children."
And for that matter the Gestapo could not have worked so efficiently without the active support of the vast majority of the German people.
The whole of the German people is responsible for the crimes committed by them. The whole of the German people must pay to the greatest extent possible to repay the losses humanity has suffered through their actions.
SOVIET POLICY.
While the Red Army was still fighting a life and death struggle on Soviet soil many speculations could, be heard as to Soviet intentions with regard to German occupied countries which they would liberate.
Those who never miss an opportunity to slander the workers’ State, kept "predicting" that the Soviet Government would ,'put in and foster reactionary governments" in those countries coming under the Soviet Unions sphere of influence. One "proof" for such "thesis" was the existence o;f the ""ree German Committee" in Moscow, in which soma German Generals hold leading positions.
The facts have of course been different. Not only has the last issue of "War and the Working class" stated quite definitely that the Soviets do not see in the "Free German Committee" a potential German government, but the actual position in those countries freed by the Red Army, gives ample evidence that Soviet policy is far different from what some of the "friends" of the Soviet Union have "prophesied".
It is not of course the task of the Red Army to import the social revolution into other countries. But in every country liberated by the Red Army, from Finland to Yugoslavia, progressive governments (mostly coalitions" of Communists, Socialists and Liberals) function, with the active support of the Soviet Union.
Continued on Page 18.
4 -
PARTISANS
IN GHETTOS AMD FORESTS By Roska.
(Roska, a chavora of Hashomer Hatzair, and a leader of the Jewish underground struggle, recently arrived in Palestine from Vilna).
What I am going to tell you now will not be a report, but rather greetings - greetings from the past - from those who were left there and will never come away, from those who wore killed in their thousands, and from those who fought on; from the individuals who have survived and are deeply concerned with all that is happening hero.
THE TRUTH THAT CRIES OUT.
But there are various kinds of greetings. Sometimes, when I see before me so many members of our movement gathered together,
I want to shout out the whole truth of what happened there, all that we went through, each one of us - things of which you know so little.
First of all I want to clarify the whole truth about the extermination, for it seams that so far no one has grasped the full proportions and horror of it. Towns which used to be cultural centres of Jewry no longer contain a single Jew. If you go through little "shtetls" in search of a Jewish face, you will not find one. The Jews who used to live there are now lying in the cemeteries of Belzhacz, Gswienzcim, Trcblinka, and all the other extermination ghettoos. We ware witnesses of how man cast off the thin veil of civilisation, and there stood the boast in all its nakedness ־ and the beast commanded and the masses obeyed. The masses ware accomplices in the crime.
THEY SOUGHT TO DESTROY US ALL.
When I speak about the extermination and how it was carried out, one fact stands out in my mind, related by a jewish refugee from Kovno; this fact is really a symbol. In the "Ninth Fortress", the jews or Kovno and also Jews from western Europe were extermin-ated. The bodies of the slaughtered were burned. During the great conflagration the following incident took place: among the bodies was the corpse of a pregnant woman. The flame warmed the woman’s body and the child dropped from its mothers womb into the furnace, and the mother and child were consumed together in the flames.
Here was destruction, not only of the present generation but even of the generation which is yet to come.
5
JEWISH
In each place the extermination wore a specific character.
In every camp and in every town, the murderers invented, their own special methods. la one thought that those who were taken from the ghetto were doing taken to their death. It was firmly believed that young men were needed by the Germans and would not therefore be killed. Soon however it became clear that this was an entirely fallacious belief, for of those who were supposed to be going to labour-camps or other ghettoes, only the graves were left. As the destruction grew to gigantic proportions and help was ,not forthcoming, as men were unable to save themselves, and as the German machine became so huge, so well-organised and powerful - then many men began to long for death to rescue them from their sufferings.
THE BIRTH OF RESISTANCE.
It was just during those terrible-days, when it was so difficult not to think of death, when nothing in life seemed worth-while, that a new idea was born, the conception of self-defence. I shall not attempt to describe in chronological order the development of this idea. It was actually born even before the jews realised they were to be exterminated; we understood the meaning of what was happening. And we, the Jews of the Vilna ghetto, the chalutzic youth and Shemrim of the ghetto, realised that this destruction not only threatened Vilna, but was ultimately aimed at all the Jews.
It became clear to us that our way must of necessity be one of revolt, for this is the national and socialist demand made on each one of us, on every member of the movement.
Then the first partisan organisation was formed in Vilna, we iad not yet hoard of partisans anywhere else. This was at a time when German power seemed unassailable, when every attempt at revolt was doomed to failure and all opposition meant death. Then we decided to die, but to die like men. We said "We shall no longer be led like sheep to the slaughter."
And when the United partisan Organisation was formed and was joined by all the organised forces of the ghetto, we felt ourselves strengthened and free men. This is a most important fact - that we who lived under a regime of Terror, felt we were free men, ready to fight and dio in battle. There arose the question, whether we should save our own chaverira so that they might afterwards work in the movement. For we regarded ourselves as the movement of the Jewish people. Even in the ghetto we considered ourselves the vanguard of the ghetto and responsible for it.
Whilst others, including chalutzim, said we should go from the Vilna ghetto to Bialystok and Warsaw, where it was still possible to live, we of Hashomer Hatzair said, we would not move, for here was our rightful place. But we did send people to Bialystok, in order to foster the resistance movement there too, for we know that other towns would not escape destruction.
- 6 -
LET NO BULLET MISS THE MARK.
The United Partisan organisation expanded and assumed a definite military character, We brought arms to the ghetto, arras stolen from the Germans. We brought these weapons in sand-waggons through underground channels.
Brave deeds wore performed every day. We thought not only of ourselves, not only of Vilna, but also of the other ghettoes.
During the worst days, when there was no possibility of leaving the ghetto, wc thought of arranging a meeting between the chavarin who were the organisers in three towns - Yilna, Bialystok end Warsaw.
We could not achieve this, but we aid maintain contact, Wo sent people to Warsaw, and chaverim from there were sent to Bialystok and from there to Vilna.
We smuggled in arms and issued a bulletin of wireless news.
I shall never forget the instruction we were given: "Every chaver must know how to uso his weapon properly, and no bullet must miss the mark."
The chaverim were ordinary people from the movement, from the ken and the kibbutz, and they surpassed themselves. It was they who kindled in the hearts of hundreds of ghetto youngsters the flame of battle, of resistance. These Shomrira handled and concealed the arms - no easy matter, for we had to beware of the Jewish police as much as of the Gormans. Girls wont from place to place stirring up resistance and urging the young people to flee to the woods. They warned them that capture by the Germans meant certain death. Thus, the first Jaws loft Oshmiana for the forests and organised themselves as partisans.
ISOLATED FIGHTERS.
Evon while still in the ghetto, we did not merely aim at passive resistance. Later on, as the organisation expanded, we planned offensive measures. We believed that by those moans we should bo able to recruit more people for the forest.. At that time, when we in the ghetto wore planning offensive measures, we has as yet heard nothing about the organisation of polish Partisans, and of other nationalities. It was at the peak period of German strength that the Jewish partisans from the ghetto organised them-selves, andit was at this time too, that we wrecked near Vilna, the first German train.
Jo realised that the resistance we were trying to organise would only bo successful if it was on a mass-basis. We therefore got in touch with people in the city, beyond the ghetto walls. We wanted to contact members of the polish underground movement. They promised us a lot, but when it came to the point - when we asked for arms - they replied that this was impossible. Afterwards wc learned that they had been instructed not to work together with Jews.
7
The Jewish Communists, with whom we worked, organised the Communist Party and the partisan group in the city, and Jews from the ghetto played a major part in the activity in the city. The first proclamation, calling upon Poles and Lithuanians not to surrender to the Gormans, was written and printed by us. This was the first printing-press stolen from the Germans and passed on tc us.
There is a story about the leader of the Jewish Resistance,
(the same Jewish Communist who was active in the city), wham the German authorities wanted to arrest. There is, same truth in the report that the Jewish Council of Elders had something to do with this. They knew that the extermination of the jews was at hand, and they also knew that we would not stand by and allow the Germans tc execute their evil designs undisturbed. The Council of Elders therefore decided to hinder us by handing over our loader to the Germans. We were faced with a most tragic choice. The Gestapo demanded cur ringleader; wo realised that this was a challenge, but the Jews of the ghetto did not understand. They said that for the sake of one Jew we were endangering the lives of their wives and children - and the majority was against us. We realised that although the masses were blind, we were not at liberty to use cur weapon against their wishes. So our leader gave himself up to the Gestapo and was killed.
The position grew worse from day to day. We knew what was going on, but the Jews could not understand our attitude. The question was "what next?" But by this time we had already estab-lished contact with the Partisan groups. We were all prepared to go tc the woods, only wo thought the time was not yet ripe. We knew that when the destruction started the people would need us to organise resistance - then the masses would be with us.
THE 1st SEPTEMBER 1943.
It was then that wo decided to send out the first group into the- forest. On the way it was attacked. Most of the chaverim of the unit were killed. The next morning the Germans came, arrested the families of. the chaverim and also the Jewish works foremen and killed them. Thus did we and the ghetto pay for the first attempt to reach the forest.
We realised that these were the first signs of the catastrophe, On the 1st September, the ghetto was encircled by Germans. We mobilised the resistance units. The recruiting slogan was "Liza ruft" (Liza is calling). It was the name of a girl who went to Oshmiana to urge the Jews to resist. On her way back to Vilna, armed with false papers, she was arrested, and all efforts to save her from death were of no avail. The recruiting slogan was in her memory.
I shall never forget the morning of the 1st September. The Jews were panic stricken, and started running to hiding places.
Our chaverim ran through the streets, shouting "Liza ruft". We
8
assembled at two points. We had to smuggle out the arms. There were some Jewish policemen in the ghetto who spread the story that Jews were merely being taken away for labour - and the jews were easily deceived. It was September 1913, the Rod Army had begun to take the offensive and hopes ran high. Wo realised that there would be no mass resistance.
The Germans had already managed to take away one of our groups, which was mobilised, but still unarmed. Wo decided to erect a barricade. Wo were ready for the battle. We prepared the machine guns and waited for the Germans. But they did not come.
They were sure the Jews would leave of their own accord. as for us, they were certain to tire us out, and then we would abandon our mad plan. We opened fire on the first German unit we saw in a neighbouring yard. The Germans immediately left the Ghetto. There was no-one left for us to fight.
Oh THE WHY TO THE FOREST.
Four days passed. There were now practically only women left in the ghetto, for all the men had been taken away. Then we decided to take our units into the forest־ But the ghetto was locked and barred, there was no entrance and no exit. But we had to leav and take the arms with us.
We carried the arms out in coffins (it was permitted to take the dead outside the ghetto), leaving the arms for a while in the cemetery which had become our headquarters. Several groups loft the ghetto in this way. They had to go a distance of 200 kilometres, exposed to danger at every stop, and without any guerrilla experience When the last group was about to leave, the ghetto was once more encircled. It was now clear beyond a doubt that ox termini, tion and not work in Esthonia and Latvia, awaited the Jews. How only women were left in the ghetto, and oven they wore becoming few in numbers. Some were sent to Latvia and Esthonia and some to Treblinka.
It was a terrible night. We left, weapons in hand. Behind us lay the ghetto. We went with the firm resolve to continue the fight in the forest, the same fight we had started in the ghetto but had left unfinished. We were determined to transplant all our hatred, all our strength to now positions. There we would meet the enemy. Even on the way to the forest, several of our chaverim were killed, but it was at the cost of enemy casualties. At that time, the Gestapo chief of Kovno was killed, and this made a deep impression on the Germans. They brought the three men who shot him to a place where all the Jews were assembled, and hanged them in the presence of everyone.
REVENGE.
When we reached the forest we were not together. The first groups were a long way away, belonging to different partisan units.
The last group, was posted not far from Vilna and we too, went there.
9
It was a forest encircled by German and Lithuanian forces־ Unlike the other mixed groups, we decided to form a Jewish unit. This was the first partisan unit with Jewish officers and where commands were given in Yiddish. Conditions were bad. We first of all under-took to bring the remaining youngsters awayfro'm the city. Girls would set out for the city and bring men back to the forest, he succeeded in concentrating about 400 Jews there from Vilna alone.
When the units were being organised we realised that we wore very short of weapons, and besides this, we lacked experience in guerrilla warfare. We were unacquainted with the district and
the peasants were hostile; to us. The lot of the partisans was a hard one - but that of the. Jewish partisans a thousand time harder.
Jews with only three bullets in their rifles would go to places swarming with Germans. Nevertheless, they did accomplish some important military actions. These Jews were ordinary people, Shomrim, who had never done anything like this before. But yet they were fighters, who could inflict blows on the enemy, under conditions that other Partisans did not have to endure.
I remember the first ambush we prepared for the Germans. I remember it as though it happened only yesterday. I experienced the greatest joy I have known since the war, when I saw lying before mo a ruined car containing eight crushed bodies of German soldiers And I who had believed that I would never again enjoy happiness, rejoiced together with my comrades. This was no accident. The name of our unit was "Revenge". The sole desire that filled our hearts was the longing to avenge ourselves, to avenge our people, on the Germans.
ATTACKED PROM ALL SIRES.
I have already mentioned that the attitude of the peasants towards us was definitely hostile, even that of partisans was practically hostile. Such was the state of affairs in some mixed groups where our chaverira wore. Here a tragedy befell them, that was in a way perhaps greater than the tragedy of the ghetto. For those who joined the Partisan units were inspired by the will to fight, and it was they who were deprived of the right and power to fight, and of their arms. Those to whom the fight meant more than life itself were not allowed to take part in it. And may be it was no coincidence that a group of our chavsrim decided to move further on towards the last. They had very few arms in their possession, and these few were taken from them by Partisans whom they met on the way. Six Shomrim continued on their way, but they were attacked by the peasants of a whole village, who surrounded and killed them. Thus did we pay the price for our will to fight.
In our units the position was somewha to different. We were organised in exclusive Jewish units, and when we met other partisans we were able to answer them in a language they understood - this was quite important But not everyone could do this. The Jews from
10
the ghetto felt, in some places in the forest, no letter off than they had been in the ghetto.
In the meantime the Red Army was gradually approaching,and we went to moot it in the neighbouring town. On the liberation of the town we became ordinary civilians.
WHAT NEXT?
What about Vilna? What about the other liberated towns?
What about the condition of the Jews? Who is left alive? There are 2,000 Jews in Vilna of whom 700 were residents formerly. Before the war Vilna had 70,000 Jews. It was the same in other places. In some towns there are no Jews left at all. Living conditions are very bad. The jews who have gone back have nothing. Most of them came from the forest, others from various hiding places, all ill and all looking more dead than alive.
Such are the Jews that are left. Most of them are young -elderly Jews are scarcely to be found. There are very few children -they too are hardly to be found. When I saw the first Jewish child in the street, my eyes filled with tears. What a long time it was since I had seen a Jewish child! There are no means of earning a livelihood and the authorities do not think the situation of the Jews is anything special - the Jews will be aided in the same way as all those in need of help and will not be placed in a separate category.
Strange as it may seem, although there are only a couple of thousand Jews left in Vilna, the mob still persists in its anti-Semitic attitude towards them. Every Pole or Lithuanian wears an astonishod expression, as though asking "Are they still hero?". The atmosphere is tense; every Jew feels that his place is not hero, that he can no longer live here. The masses are anti-semitic. Those very Lithuanians who helped the Nazis in their deeds of slaughter, are now ready to serve the new regime. At first they were afraid they would be punished as collaborationists, but as no harm has boon done them, they make no effort to conceal their hostile attitude towards the Jaws.
RETURNING TO THE FOLD.
Our first meeting with the Jewish soldiers of the Red Army was very moving. We were the first jews - the first Jewish partisans they had come across. We noticed signs of a great national revival among the Jews from the Soviet Union. There are the seeds of a great idea; they feel they are Jews. Many of them come to the synagogues during festivals and are very solicitous about the fate of Jewish orphans.
Jews who occupy important posts in the Rod Army are organising schools, and are greatly interested to preserve those cultural treastures of Judaism that are loft to us. Some of them
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talk about Palestine and ask many questions, for they know very little of Aretz. And when you tell thorn what is doing created there, they gaze at you spellbound, like children listening to an interesting story, half-incredulous. And then they say "Well, that is a great work - the Jews are indeed a nation."
A SINGLE HOPE AND A SINGLE RESOLVE
What do the ordinary Jews think, those who have never boon organised? The Jews want to immigrate to Palestine, not merely the religious Jews, but everyone. This is the attitude. They have learnt a great deal from their experiences. This frame of mind is found not only amongst the Vilna Jews, but also in other points of Jewish concentration. They say: "We sec only one goal before our eyes - there is only one place loft to us and that is Palestine." They do not speak much about America and no-one thinks of starting a new life over there.
All-around there are graves. And how can a Jew live in the midst of this nightmare? In this great cultural centre of Jewry where the things that are most "alive" are the graves, there is no-one who has not some dear ones in those graves. Once, I accidentally overheard a conversation between two Jews in a train. One said: "I am weary and have had enough troubles. I want to go to Australia where no-one knows me, and I shall be left to live my life in peace." The other replied: "You fool, you cannot escape your fate. The only place for us is Palestine." And the Jew who aaid this had never been a Zionist.
THROUGH THE STRENGTH OF THE MOVEMENT.
As for us, we are very few in number. But during the whole time (and this perhaps is one of our finest qualities) we have never considered ourselves as private individuals, we always thought in terms of the movement. Three or four, of us together were never individuals, but a nucleus of Hashomer Hatzair. Herein lies our greatest strength and also a great duty. Sc it has been since the beginning and so it was in the ghetto. Member of Hashomer Hatzair wore among the best and most responsible chaverim, those who were never afraid and never daunted. In the forest too, we never behaved as individuals, even there we were a nucleus of Hashomer Hatzair.
Our chaverim were inspired by the utmost faith in humanity. We were everywhere among the first, Many Shomrim were actively engaged in various missions, distributing publications, reports and arms. They were the life and soul of every activity. In Bialystok they were the first to organise the resistance movement. They were among those who carried the burden of the war on their shoulders and who died with courage at once noble and simple.
The united battle front did not form by itself. We had to convince Hechalutz of the need to work together with the Jewish
12
Communists and likewise to convince the Communists of the necessity of cooperation with Heckalutz.
In Bialystok they all fell. Only one girl survived - Chaika. She was with the rest of our chavorim during the fighting, but by some miracle she was saved at the last minute. So she is a living witness of all that happened there, of the struggle and the extermination. When she was left alone she organised a group of girls who carried out spying activities under indescribable conditions.
Those are not merely human standards. They are movement standards. We have learnt to be consistent. We said to ourselves "We must continue in our own way - under any conditions: in the ghetto,as Partisans, as Ghalutzim working underground for Palestine".
During all that time the desire for revenge was the guiding and decisive factor in our lives. Everyone wanted to have so many Germans to his credit, killed at his own hands; so many trains wrecked by hira. For the shrieks have not been silenced, the blood has not been stilled.
When I came to Palestine and saw with my own eyes what has been established and created here, apart from all other feelings that stirred in me, apart from the fact that I could not help thinking about those who did not and will never come hero, apart from all this, one feeling animated me - revenge. For what is being created here is also part of our revenge - a continuation of our revenge. In the upbuilding too, our revenge will roach its fulfilment. I do not know whether those who are left there will be able to come here to join us.
I remember the following incidont: Vilna was bombed after its liberation, and two of our chaveroth were killed. Standing at their grave a chaver said:
"Who knows how many of us will survive the journey, how many of us will reach the journey’s end? But those who do roach the goal will be in themselves a symbol, a reminder. They will not allow the thousands, the millions, who died helplessly, without fighting, to bo forgotten.
They wore so weak, so defenceless and perhaps they thought in their hearts "Maybe when we are gone there will arise those who will avenge us." They will not let the people nor the movement, forget those who died in battle, and attained such heights of human, Jewish heroism."
(Translated from Hebrew by Yonah Abrahams).
13
By. M.Oren,
a. member of the Histadruth delegation to the World Trade Union conference.
For nearly two weeks the attention of millions of workers throughout the world, was focussed on the Conference being held in London, on the banks of the Thamos facing the historic buildings of the British parliament. This conference of international labour, was, in itself, apart from the proceedings and the outcome, a formidable demonstration of the might of world labour. The very meeting of representatives of 50 million workers, from every Continent, from countries large and small, independent and dependent, of various colours and nationalities, and particularly the first meeting of representatives of Western European labour with those of the Soviet Trade Unions," was an expression of the rebirth of inter-national labour solidarity, and of the long-felt urge for close unity of world labour.
The influence of the various delegations left it imprint on the atmosphere and proceedings of the Conference. The impressive Soviet delegation brought with it, the pride in the-achievements of the Workers and peasants State and its decisive contribution in tho destruction of Fascism. The French delegation brought the Glorious traditions of the Eesistance Movement under Fascist yoke.
The American C.I.O. brought to the Conference, testimony of promising developments within the hitherto stagnant and politically backward organised labour of America. Although the British delegation acted as somewhat of a brake on the few controversial occasions, it was apparent that within the ranks of British Trade Unionism, new and militant forces are striving to come to the surface. To the T.U.C. goes the credit for having so efficiently prepared and managed the Conference under difficult wartime conditions. The delegation from Latin America was proof of the growth of a strongly organised labour movement in that part of the world - a formidable adversary to the reactionary regimes prevailing in many Latin American states.
The delegations from the various dependencies and colonies, although not organised among themselves, made their presence felt in the Conference, demanding not only traditional Trade union rights, but also national freedom and independence for their respective countries. The Histadruth delegation succeeded in convincing the Conference that Palestine has a peculiar standing within the com-plexities of the colonial world, and that its problems demand a thoroughly different solution.
The discussion on the war effort, was a fair demonstration of the decisive role played by world labour in the fight against Fascism, and particularly of the Soviet Union and the working classes of Gt.Britain and the U.S.A. Surely, even without this Conference and its decisions, there was no doubt that world labour would
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THE WORLD
TRADE UNION
CONFERENCE
continue to play its part until the ond, but it was the conference which brought to the consciousness of labour itself, of the whole world, and of the ruling classes of the capitalist states, the fact that it is labour in various branches of the war effort, which deserves the credit Tor carrying the war to the stage whore the final defeat of Fascism is in sight. One important implication of the debate and the conclusion of the Conference on this subject, was that those who had borno the main burden in waging war, are entitled to a due share in shaping peace.
One additional point: during the war there were people and political parties in various countries, who took the line that the class struggle of the workers has to be abandoned for the sake of the war effort. They tried to prove this by quoting alleged declarations of Soviet Trade Union leaders. This policy was refuted at the Conference by statements of the Soviet delegates. They clearly stressed that the war effort should not be made the excuse for infringing the rights and attacking the economic inter-ests of the working class. The resolutions taken demand a fight against those reactionary forces, who, under cover of the war effort seek to deprive the working class of those elementary rights and rob them of some of their achievements.
The debate and resolutions on the attitude of Labour to the peace settlement were not conspicuous by an excess of originality. One feels sometimes a too close similarity between the speeches, statements and resolutions of the Conference, and the speeches, statements and resolutions of the respective Governments. The Conference identified itself with the broad pronciples of policy of of the United Nations as outlined at the Crimea Conference of the Big Three. But the Conference did not confine itself to this. It voiced too the independent demands of the working class, some of them going beyond the decided policy of the big capitalist powers within the anti-Fascist coaxltion.
Two of the delegations - Soviet Union and Latin American-pressed the point that Fascism has to be smashed, not only as a military power but in its social and economic aspects too: that the last vestiges of Fascism have to be eradicated. The Latin American delegation strongly attacked the fact that political relations are being maintained with States which are in their essence Fascist, and which if allowed, are going to play a role in helping Fascist re-emergence in the near future - Argentine, Spain, Portugal. The resolutions demand the utter destruction of Fascism and "reconsideration of relations" with Argentine and Spain. They demand the promotion of genuine democracy in the liberated countries and the speedy renewal of trade union organisation. In general the Conferencebaeked the official United Nations' policy regarding the treatment of Germany, The Conference demanded emphatically that international labour be assured its rightful place in all the international institutions and conferences which are going to settle the peace.

The poace settlement resolution contains a clause on the Jewish question and Palestine. This clause, although only a minor item' for many delegations, is of the utmost importance for us. Conference adopted the following resolution:
"This World Conference is of the opinion too, that after the war thoroughgoing remedies must be found through international action for the wrongs inflicted on the'
Jewish People. Their protection against oppression, discrimination and spoilation in any country, must bo the responsibility, of the new international authority. The Jewish'people must be enabled to continue the rebuilding of Palestine as their National Home, so successfully begun, by immigration, agricultural settlement and industrial development, respecting the legitimate interests of other national groups and giving equality of rights and oppor-tunities to all its inhabitants".
The resolution assumes more importance, in that it is not something separate, but rather an integral part of a declaration of Labour policy in regard to the peace settlement. As we hope that the Trade Union International will be represented - at least in an advisory capacity - at the peace Conference, and on those bodies which will decide the post-war settlement of various problems, this resolution will have to provide guidance to Labour representatives when the Jewish question and Palestine come up for final settlement.
It should be noted that this decision was accepted after a sharp debate (incidentally, this was one of the few controversial debates of the Conference). As there was an Arab delegation, representing two anti-Zionist and anti-Histadruth unions, Conference had the opportunity of hearing both the Arab and Jewish case. The resolution was finally carried, thanks to the weight of the argu-ments inherent in the Zionist oase. The overwhelming majority including all the big delegations supported the resolution. Only six delegates - from India, Nigeria, Gold Coast, Jamaica, Palestine Arab-were in opposition. Some of them voted not against the merits of the resolution, but lacked the authorisation of their respective Unions to take a decision on this issue, and preferred the resolution to be postponed until further discussion had taken place.
Of historic significance is the support given by the Soviet delegation. The Jewish Labour Movement in Palestine, and the whole of Zionism, has awaited this for many years. There is good reason to believe that the attitude of the Soviet delegation carries with it official weight. The support given by the Soviet delegation to the Palestine resolution, enables us to hope that the Soviet Union will help us in our work and struggle in Palestine. This does not mean that the Soviet delegation has accepted the Zionist philosoph I have reason to believe that the ae'ou-1~l fur the Jewish National Home in Palestine is base on (the recognition. of the
- 16 -
following facts: the drive of the Jews to go to Palestine; the reality of the Jewish achievements in Palestine, the progressive nature of our work in Palestine, not for that country alone but for the whole Middle East. I believe that if anything made the Soviet Union conscious of this, it was the efforts made in the last few years to bring home to the Soviet Union the tragedy of our People, the justice of our cause and the progressive character of our national and social aspirations in Palestine. These efforts wore made to some degree by official Zionist bodies, but particularly by Palestine Labour and independently to a largo extent by our Movement.
It should be added that the resolution speaks of Palestine as a Jewish national Home, and not a Jewish commonwealth, as formulated in the Biltmore policy for which the delegation was expressly instructed to stand and fight. But it was not the fault of the delegation that this phrase was not embodied in the Palestine decision. The original proposal presented by the delegation to the Standing Orders committee, was on the lines of the Biltmore policy, but the Committee refused to accept it as the basis for the Palestine resolution. The national Home policy, as demanded by the Opposition in Palestine, when instructions to the delegation were decided upon, proved to be the only means of gaining the support of the Conference, and of those 50 million workers it represented.
One further point: the Palestine resolution follows these demanding independence for the Colonies. It is thereby stressed that the Palestine question cannot be solved in this way, that it is more complex, and that the immediate solution does not lie in independence for Palestine, but rather in continuing to build the Jewish National Home through "immigration, agricultural settlement and industrial development", which is more in line with the Zionist principles of the opposition within Labour, than those of some extreme intorpre-tors of Biltmore.
There was no. great discussion on postwar labour demands.
There was unanimity in formulating a comprehensive world-wide Trade Union policy outlining working class demands in various spheres.
It is not of course a policy for socialism, but rather one for defending the interests of the workers within the framework of capitalism. It will depend to a large extent on the national Trade Union organisations in the various countries, whether the economic policy of the working class will be fought out in a bold and militant way - the way of class struggle, with the aim of achieving socialism in the postwar world.
The main test of the Conference was whether or not it would
establish a united Trade Union international. This produced the main clash between the two conflicting tendencies in the conference-between the Sight and Left. It can be said that Conference stood thatest. Originally these two tendencies presented two conflicting schemes, the one represented by the British T.U.C. wanted the I.F.T.U. to be the framework which would take into its ranks all
- 17 -
the other forces, whereas the Loft group represented mainly by the Soviet, French, Latin American and C.I.O. delegations, wanted the immediate establishment of a now international organisation, implying the immediate dissolution of the .I.F.T.U.
Should these two tendencies have stuck to their original proposals, the Conference would have broken, up without achieving what was expected of it by the whole working class. The outcome was a constructive compromise as embodied in the decision of tho Conference: a Committee lias been established to draft a
Constitution for a new and inclusive international organisation and to prepare plans for a now international conference to be convened by the end of this year. The I.F.T.U. is represented in this Committee and will take part in the preparatory work for the establishment of the new organisation. Technically, the Right had its way, in that no now" International was established at this Conference, but the whole spirit of the resolution is in the direction of the establishment of a new International in the near future. More than that, the Committee has already started to act as the Executive of the future. International.
It Is to be hoped that this Committee will not disappoint-the hopes raised by the Conferonce throughout the world, and the desire for a genuine unity of world labour for the critical times ahead, and that a united International will, come into being in the very near future so that labour will play its historic role in shaping the peace and the future world.
Continued from page 4:
The most striking example is Rumania, where a right-wing government was formed following the German withdrawal. The workers and peasants fought against it, but as the government was supported by Britain and America, they would never have achieved Its overthrow were it not for the. active backing given them by the Soviet Union.
Those who "believed" that the "Bureaucracy" in the soviet Union is more interested in alliances wite the foreign bourgeoisie than with working class parties, because of their "fear" of social revolution, should open their eyes. The Red Army has not only driven out the Fascist invaders, but with their: support the real representatives of the people have been put into power.
It is. the victorious advance, of the Red Army, and not the petty quibling of armchair revolutionaries, which has created the pre-condition for a socialist future.
18
Y. Riftin.
WHAT IS THE PROBLEM?
Can there he, and are there such tasks confronting a workers’ party that the working class as a whole cannot accomplish? Are all sections of the working class always equipped to take an active part in the struggle for the needs. of the workers? Boos every worker, by the mere fact of being a worker, fight in this straggle for freedom? How can a socialist, workers’ party gain a ma basis without becoming opportunistic and giving up the praqtical fight for the fulfilment of its historic tasks?
In the course of years we have come across this question only theoretically. Carefully studying socialist experiments in the world, we reject the conception of organised reformism. There was a practical value in this study, from the point of view of crystal-lisation of our philosophy of life, of our understanding of the political happenings in the world, and of our whole educational orientation. But today we must face up to this problem - as we cannot postpone for very long, the creation of a political party of Hashomer Hatzair.
This state of affairs obliges us to clarify the fundamental technical problems of our party. What type of party do we intend to build? What connection will there be between the masses and the party? If we do not give a clear answer to these questions now, we shall be hampered in the development of our political and organisa-tional work. We must evaluate the international socialist experiment in this field and adapt it to the needs of Palestine.
THE WAY OF LENIN.
There arc two reasons why wo must choose the organisational conception of Lenin with regard to the building of a party:
(a) because this conception is bound up with the greatest revolutionary experiment in the history of the working class.
(b) because Lenin delved deeply Into the question of organisation. Whereas for Reformism, organisational structure was a side-issue, Lenin regarded it as a valuable weapon in the fight against the existing regime.
What does this conception entail? The recognition of the vanguard task of the Socialist Workers' party within the class, a stable organisation of the party, democratic centralism, revolutionary discipline, continuous contact between the vanguard
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TOWARDS a WORKERS PARTY
and the masses.
Lenin was aware of how petit bourgeois influences were at work in many socialist workers’ parties. Even if the working class' would develop as -a closed unit without continuous infiltra-tion from other social strata - and this is a perfectly fantastic assumption - the petit bourgeois influences within the working class would still be great. The passing of a worker from his own experinece of life to an active appreciation of-history is not such a simple affair. Dissatisfaction with present conditions, does not by itself ensure correct working class action, even though the dissatisfaction expresses itself through large trade union movements. (Here perhaps is one explanation why great class upheavals do not become revolutionary socialist movements in North America). Every social revolution, has been, and must be accompanied by great spiritual upheavals. Moreover, the proletarian revolution is only the precondition for the establish-ment of socialism. It is therefore clear, that the revolutionary consciousness of the worker is of utmost importance.
All this happens if the ranks of the working class are absolutely closed. In actual fact, the class is continually increased by millions of people coming in from outside. The peasant who comes to the town or the petit bourgeois who has reached the bitter necessity of proletarianisation, brings with him the. belief in the sanctity, of private property. He has left his miserable farm, one lame horse and barren land which yields a poor crop, but he still dreams of his personal private happiness. It is with great difficulty that he penetrates the collective depths of thought of the working class.
The petit bourgeois influences penetrates not only "downwards" but also "upwards". How easy it is to bribe the strata of workers who are more comfortably placed and nearer to the standard of living of the bourgeoisie. This strata that developed at the expense of vast masses of workers who were more exploited, or at the expense of colonial and semi-colonial peoples, are ready at all times to exchange the hard proletarian concept, for a faith in omnipotent social reforms, to exchange the way. of revolution for various types of Boveridge plans. There is no doubt that after this war too, there will be a repetition in many countries, of the experiment of bribing large sections of the workers in order to prevent revolutionary development. This is not so very difficult, since the origin of most of the leadership and the. technical apparatus of the workers' parties and of trade unionism are not proletarian, and from the socio-political and cultural standpoints, fulfil mediatory tasks between the classes.
By these three means, viz. a framework that is semi-peasant in character, a labour aristocracy, and a mediatory apparatus, the working class is greatly affected by influences from other classes.
to stop the inflitration of such influences,
— 20 -
but within the framework of the capitalist regime, this is often a hopeless undertaking. Capitalism quite often arbitrates in this struggle between socialism and non-socialism, being waged within the working class itself. This regime possesses instruments of oppression and betrayal: the Army, the Church, prisons and schools, chauvinistic plays for the masses and bourgeois films are used to deceive and incite.
Only a socialist party with a clearly-defined programme can withstand this boundless prospect of petit-bourgeoisie within and without. It can only be a party with an exceptionally clear political perspective and a highly militant membership. A general and comprehensive political unity of the working class under the capitalist regime, is either the slogan of those who want to see in "socialism" a branch of the existing capitalist order, or else a phrase ?nthout any meaning at all.
THE PRACTICAL LESSON.
It is clear that with ail the changing slogans in the Soviet Union, the use. of underhand methods in leading the masses, the necessary diplomatic manoeuvring in foreign policy, there still exists the Marxist-Leninist education of the party nucleus. It is no coincidence that the principle character in Grossman’s book "The Immortal Nation" is a teacher of Marxism. There is no coinci-dence either in the portrayal of the revolutionary Marxist who tries to prevent a wholesale retreat and organises the masses for the decisive counter-attack.
Marxist publicationsin the Soviet union were especially prepared for the following purpose: to fulfil the needs of the broad cadres of progressive workers and of a socialist intelligent-sia. The main purpose is not to give out popular periodicals that have no clear and logical connection, nor is to make exaggerated demands, in order to transform the members of the party into pseudo-instructors of Marxism. A considerable amount of energy was expended in order to bring in a concise form to a wide public, the most necessary fundamental principles. For this reason the "Short History of the Bolshevik party" was written. For this reason so many publications appear in Russia of the selected letters of the great teachers of Socialism. The Marxist standpoint is the fixdd criterion with regard to the character of the Marxist Party. The standards for the human type in it have altered with the passage of time.
Before the Revolution Lenin fought most determinedly against the assumption that it is possible to belong to a party vaguely and without any responsibility. The differences of opinion between him and Martov had nothing to do with the obligation to pay party dues. The main differences were on the question of whether it was possible to have in the party a member who did not want to belong wholeheartedly to the local branch. Generally speaking, it was
21
the worker who was quite, willing to belong to the Branch, whilst it was beneath the dignity of some radical, petit-bourgeois quack to join a branch. Incidentally, there aro also in our midst quite a few such "nbbhsohleppor" pot -bourgeoisie who belong to the Movement only "in a general way", and whom it docs' not suit to become members of the local branch of the Liga Sozialistit.
Lonin defended the party against the "non-party" members of Martov. Ho needed a select typo of party-member who would be prepared to fight for Socialism,under the difficult conditions of secrecy and banishment obtaining under the regime of the Czar.
Ho needed the typo of the professional revolufiohary. Differences concerning the nature of the party and its membership constituted one of the main causes of the broach within Russian Social-Democracy. True, the final split did not occur during the 1904 Congress, but neither did it bogin just in 1917. The final broach started during the Sixth Congress at Prague in 1912. We are in duty bound to learn f rorn, the experience of Russian Social-Democracy: wo must realise, right from the beginning the need for, the existence of a revolutionary workers party.
TWO TESTS.
During the planning of the October Revolution, and during the actual period of the rising, new qualities were required of the revolutionary: the qualities of an incorruptible leader and of a fightor and soldier. Both in natural and civil warfare, courage is needed, but the courage is of a slightly different order. We have seen how at such times, oven loaders of the pre-revolutionary period failed to stand the test; Zinoviev and Mamonov hesitated even just before the actual rising. Theirs 'was the historic example, of the breaking of revolutionary discipline, when they published an open protest: against the "majority who were unwilling to postpone the revolution any longer.
During the storm of the October days, there was no time to reconstitute the party in order to fit it for the tasks awaiting it after the seizure of power. In the course of two or three years, two tests werefixed as essential criteria, still applying to this day in the Soviet Union, in the evaluation of a member of the Bolshevik Party.
The first is the fighting fitness of a man. From the days of the Civil War, described in "Birth of a Hero" by Ostrovsky, right up to the war against Nazi Germany in our time, depicted in Gorbatov’s "The Obstinates", the patty member has always been studied in his role, as a fighter. Not all have stood this test, but it remain fixed.
the second test is the value of a man as a worker. In the days of the "Sabotniks" of the railway workers in the Moscow provinoes, Lenin indicated the decisive value of the attitude to
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work, as forming the basis of the socialist regime. Since then, there has developed, within the party a genuine Labour vanguard, the Stakhanovites.
In 1919 on the eve of the war with Poland undor pilsudski, the Party comprised loss than 200,000 membors. in the yoar 1920 it had over half a million members. Militant action, loyalty to an ideal, personal dedication, the attitude to work, to the army, and to the party, all. helped to raise this half-million to Archimedian heights, from which it was possible to exhort the 160 million Soviet population to fulfill a much harder task than the October Revolution, i.e. the establishment of Socialism.
THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND IN PALESTINE.
There is still no exhaustive research into the problem of the Palestinian workers. The general picture is clearly outlined: here and there we find a continuation of the trades of the Goiah, and ovon a certain clinging to thern. But, nevertheless, there is no doubt that, on the whole, the vast majority, of the Palestine workers have learnt basic trades in agriculture, building, factories and metal work. the great majority of Palestine Labour consists of the first generation of workers. Therefore, there is as yet no conflict between the growing tradition that could only develop from the experience of life; and the suffering of gonorations of workers,and the petit-bourgeois influence that is penetrating the ranks of the working class with remarkable success.
nevertheless, Tabonkin, in his address at the inaugural mooting of the "Achdut Avodah" movement, endeavoured to stress the importance of certain differences of background. In the members of "Hapoel Hatzair" and "Hashomer Hatzair" he noticed a tendency towards organisationsal separatism, because of their bourgeois origin. But as everyone knows, even the members of Achdut Avodah aro not grandchildren of Krupps or Putilov workers, on the whole, there exists one social origin for the workers of palestino, and that is the wave of Jewish petit-bourgeoisie that is becoming proletarianised. part of the leadership and technical apparatus of this now working class community have never known what is is to work; others have an extremely scanty knowledge of work. The inter-class cooperation that is necessary in the Zionist movement, broadens the field of contact between the leadership of the working class and non-working classes.
Thus, within this young working class exists an internal rift that is characteristic of every proletariat during a certain phase; the acquisition by certain strata of workers of positions, such as managers, officials, contractors etc. brings them into contact with non-labour circles. In the co-operativos (in the towns) there is a sharp conflict between the member with a big income derived from his dividends and the wage earning worker. There exist similar conflicts in the moshavim.
Of course, there are forces to some extent counteracting
-23-
these influences; the high endeavour within the kibbutzic movement, the striving of the intelligentsia passing into a life of hard work for spiritual compensation in return for hard toil, the discovery of an. extreme and fierce feeling of oppression and exploitation that can bo compared with the feeling of workers coming from families who have suffered exploitation for centuries and. generations.
However, this is not sufficient; to over come the spiritual petit-bourgeois influence. Despite the, fact that the kibbute movement is the stronghold of Palestinian socialism, it dees not in itself ensure the pursuance of a militant socialist policy.
Ample proof of this is to be found in the position of "chever Hakvutzoth" and of a faction of Mapai with the Kibbutz, Meuchad.
The existing working class in-Palestine needs to be fortified against the powerful petit-bourgeois influence. With the absence of a social defence carrier, the workers of Palestine, more than any working class, are in need of a spiritual, ideological fortification.
In actual fact, all the parties in Palestine are engaged in establishing such defence barriers, but not all aim at defending the socialist programme. Some are actually hindering the process of radicalisation within the working class (Mapai, and especially the "revitalised". Mapai). in practice, no faction is fighting for the general and comprehensive unity of the Palestine workers as an actual, concrete objective.
Of course, Bon Gurion at the Mapai Conference at Petach
Tikvah, said that the difference between his party and Achdut Avodah or Hashomer Hatzair, lies in the'question of "conditional" or "unconditional" unity. But in fact Ben Gurion presents two very hard conditions for "Unity" - a technical and an ideological condition. The technical condition is the abolition of the factions or in other words, the removal of the necessary prerequisite for the worker to fight for a change in the general party line, it also moans the granting of a definite privilege to the .leaders who have vast experience in communal affairs, and who hold key positions in the life of the nation and the class. These privileges are the. means of propaganda and instruction, whereas an ordinary rank and file member lacks these weapons. The meaning of the ideological condition is the creation of a party dominated by the right wing.
A POSSIBLE UNITY.
The Ideological precondition for the "unity" propagated by Ben Gurion was expressed in his opposition to the formulation of a definite political, programme - and especially a practical socialist policy. The lack of such a programme enables the leaders to escape all ideological criticism on the part of the masses, and to play all kinds of wonderful tricks. One day the loader of the Revisionists is, called "Vladimir Hitler" and another time they make an agreement with this very same man. (This double-dealing which still prevails, prevents any real fight against
-24-
the Bevisionists). One day a partition plan is accepted "with the utmost enthusiasm" and another time its sponsors feel themselves insui d at the slightest suggestion that they favour it. Bi-nationalist plans are given the place of honour in the minutes of the Executive, but those same loaders put it to scorn before the masses.
"Unity" of this type - without factions or programme - can be conteupdated only by those who are prepared to rely in all things on the traditional leadership of the Mapai; and meanwhile the process of development within the working class of Palestine is left further and further behind. Why then does Ben Gurion use the word "unitv" when he could rath greater accuracy, use "disunity". A diversion to build up the rightwing party? Actually what has taken place during the year in Mapai was nothing less than a purge. The rebellious leftwing section was exchanged for loyal "non-factionists". And once there was no more interference from Kaplansky and Tabenkin, it was possible to attempt an ideological purge as well.
But even the faction bearing, the name of "Achdut Avodah" (Workers Unity) does not regard this unity as a basic principle, perhaps if it did consider it as such, it might have remained in Mapai. This faction lays down certain conditions: the organisational condition is obvious - the right to establish factions. The political conditions have not so far been defined. Sometimes stress is laid on the conception of "Socialist-Zionist unity" which may bo interpreted as a general unity minus "Ha-oved Hazioni". But are the members of Achdut Avodah really sure that if someone occasionally calls himself a socialist, that is all there is to socialism? The attitude of Achdut Avada is not very clear on this point, just as their general orientation is not clear. We have been promised that this orientation will be clarified . after the elections. But now the elections are over and the mist has not yet, been dispelled.
What does clarification of the general policy entail?
Hashomer Hatzair and the Liga Sozialistit (if I am not mistaken this also applies to the general stand of Poale Zion ) have often declared that they regard a general political unity, democratic in structure and socialist in content, as the most suitable solution to the question of the political framework of the Palestinian working class.
But Hashomer Hatzair knows - and the members of Achdut Avodah know - that there is a difference between the required theoretical objective and the practical political possibility based on the present reality. There is no possibility of a socialist unity with Mapai. If then "Comprehensive unity" is not to signify for Achdut Avodah a slogan for gaining recruits to a new party, but rather an honest policy, they must work for the only unity that is possible in practice, and that is essential for the fulfilment of the historic tasks of Palestinian socialism - "Left Wing Unity".
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Only such a unity can servo as a practical ideological defence for the workers of Palestine against the attacks of petit-bourgeois "generalism".
SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY.
The ideological standard nowadays is not to be judged by the ass umption of the title "socialist". The name in itself does not mean anything. Lenin wrote in "The proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky" - "when Kautksy calls the non-Bolsheviks in Russia i.e. the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries, by the name of 'socialists', he is going by the word and not by the actual role of these factions in the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie."
The socialist ideological test lies in the formulation of a positive attitude, both theoretically and practically, towards the historic chain stretching from the Paris commune to the October Revolution, and from the October Revolution to the world October. The test lies in the consideration of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat as a stage in the realisation of socialism and communism. Every other "socialist" plan is in the nature of a festive-religious trapping whose sole purpose is to adorn the "firm" stand on the basis of the capitalist regime. It constitutes a profanation of socialism.
In our present, situation there is a vital need to, crystallise the revolutionary socialist concept. The petit-bourgeois "generalism": within the Palestinian working class blinds' the Jewish worker to the class conflict.
FOUR POINTS.
During the present period of Jewish constructive endeavour in Palestine, revolutionary socialism must fulfil four decisive tasks:
(a) It must guard the independence of the Palestine Labour
Movement. (Hechalutz, education etc).
(b) It must regard the free class struggle of the workers,
not as a destructive, process, but asone that heralds Zionism.
(c) It must do away with its narrow, superior attitude towards.
the Arabs.
(d) It must decide upon an international socialist orientation
in practice.
This struggle is not easy. Tradition supports petit-bourgeois "socialism". "The People" - that is, the bourgeois parties, call for the fight of Mapai against the unpatriotic Hashomer Hatzair. They try to startle the worker by means of "patriotic" outbursts. Mapai, in common with the bourgeois parties, dares, because of the lack of left-wing unity, to try and upset the balance of forces within the Jewish Yishuv.
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A Socialist Workers Party must deepen the political consciousness of it's members, and insist on their education in order that they may face with confidence the great ideological tests of our time.
CHALUTZIC ZIONISM: Our Party must bo chalutzic, not only from the
Zionist point of view. We have already stated that vanguardism and chalutziut are identical concepts. But although the conception of Zionist, Palestinian Chalutziut, meets apparently with general approval, the concept of Socialist Chalutziut, is still the object of much ridicule. The reason is that most of those who mock are not interested in the practical realisation of socialism.
Our Party must propagate still further the chalutzic ideal in the youth movement and must pay more careful attention to the education of the individual. A party wishing to foster within itself, vanguard, socialist and Zionist concepts, will not be in opposition to the educational methods of our youth movement, but will serve as a direct continuation and a valuable help in this education.
If only the Kibbutz Mouchad had welcomed a Left Unity, there would have been created within this party a fine enterprising. chalutzic force, Poale Zion Smol would ultimately have adopted the basic principles of chalutziut. But be that as it may, our Party, and not only the Kibbutz Artzi, must preserve the high standard of chalutzic endeavour in Aliyah, Hityashvut and Haganah, in the difficult but glorious war of liberation of the Jewish people in Palestine.
THE REVOLUTIONARY OUTLOOK: The Soviet Union is not only unbroken
by the Nazi invasion, but also has a considerable share in the military victories in Europe. Those who believe that it will still be possible to have governments led by the descendants of Tanner, Beck, Antonescue, Pilov and Mikhailovitch and so on, existing side by side with the Soviet Union, are deluding themselves. We ourselves shall be nearer to Soviet Russia, from the geo-political aspect, than ever before.
Soviot Russia has declared an avowed policy of non-intervention in the social orders of other States. But there are powerful forces that arc destined to "intervene" in these social orders. Bitter struggles are in store, perhaps even more bitter than those between the first and second world war. Our party must be inspired by a spirit of realistic optimism with regard to the linking up of our political orientation with the socialist policy of the world. We must regard ourselves as active performers of a revolutionary task, ready to undergo hard trials and to do battle for victory. This element of preparedness should be a basic feature of our party programme.
In order to establish such an anti-fascist, Marxist, chalutzic, revolutionary party, wo must consider unity with Mapai
-27-
as being out: of the question. I do not rule out the possibility, of establishing a united front and strengthening the collectivism in the Histadruth - this is all possible and necessary. But practical and complete political unity is impossible. The political differences between ourselves and Mapai are gradually increasing and will mo st pr obably continue to increase.
There is unity with.Left poale Zion to be taken into account. Thon there is still unity with achdut Avodah to consider, i.e. so long as Achdut Avoda has net finally crystallised as a Centrist party. Unity with Achdut Avodah would produce the greatest possible and necessary mass basis, without prejudice to the chalutzic, Zionist and socialist aims of the Palestinian Labour Movement.
If Achdut Avodah refuse to unite with us, we will still have to strive for a mass basis and the utmost contact with the masses, and the utmost criticism by the masses. For it must be understood that a mass basis of a party can hinder the development
of revolutionary"socialism by creating opportunistic tendencies.
But on the other hand a mss basis is a necessary precondition in the struggle for socialism, providing the revolutionary nucleus retains tele load of the party.
(Translated by Yonah Abrahams).
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Senior camp for boys and girls
.21 ־ 16
Apply - Camp Organiser,
199, Bloomsbury House, London,W.C.l.
Once upon a time there lived an old" man in China. His name was Ma-o-pai. He was big and stout and therefore could not be a thoroughly bad man. He had his moods. From time to time one
could have thought him a docent fellow to get on with, but more often than not he behaved in an overbearing and sly manner. His chequered character was due to the fa ct that the various parts of his body could not come to an agreement and act in harmony.
There was his brain with its ambition for domination, the kidneys, seat of jealousy and envy, and other organisms'constantly at loggerheads with the left foot and his followers, claiming to represent the more enlightened and progressive sections of his body. A soft and open heart could not make up its mind whom to support and made frantic efforts of mediation and heart-rending appeals for unity to the two warring parties. But most of all suffered the skin. Time and again it found itself on the verge of a complete breakdown, its patience as well as its tissues being dangerously overstretched through the violent jerks and pulls the permanent fight had ensued. So the chap was a restless sort of creature who could neither find inner peace nor rally himself to swift and harmonious action.
This he found to be of considerable disadvantage to him, as one of his neighbours was a little girl with the name of Little Red Riding Hood but whom everybody called Little Red־ As she was always teasing the old man and sniping at him, he had acquired a definite dislike of the little-girl. Yet it was a real joy to watch her walking down the lane for all her actions revealed a body completely at ease and yet firmly controlled. Both the old man and the little girl felt that this outstanding contrast in thoir physical and mental balance was the true cause of thoir animosity.
It was as usual the kidneys who started the trouble. "Why can’t we be as united and cooperative a community as our counter-parts in Little Red?" they complained bitterly. "Now if you, kid, would stop quarelling with the liver...." answered the brain.
"Don’t put all the blame on me" protested the kidneys violently. "Now, now", replied the braln in a father conciliatory tone "We
all know, its that loft, foot who is causing all the trouble". Tho loft foot was a follow who wouldn't take "no" for an answer and always gave himself ah independent and obstinate air. "Why can’t we come to an understanding with Little Red?" he questicned tho brain. "Understanding, understanding" growled the brain "with such a person!" But on second. thoughts, having noticed the amaze-sent with which the harmonious unity of the littlo girl had been watched by his foliow workers, he explained "That girl forces
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By LARI
herself to health! can't you see that, there is something unnatural in this concord. What is wrong with her is, that hands, feet, eyes and ears, are all poor tools of the brain־ They have no freedom as you have, and what appears to you superficially as health and unity is just another grave illness.
That satisfied everybody for a little while as they were all glad to be part of a more tolerant and loss rigid community. Still they could not help bearing a grudge against Little Red who seemed to be devoid of that internal strife that hampered the old man’s action.
But the brain was already devising new schemes to tamo the left foot, who unfortunately held such a key position in the whole structure of the body. So it concocted the following plan together with the mouth, which was in abject slavery to the brain and had necessarily to act as its mouthpiece. It said to the left foot: "Let us decide to give up our individual identity as foot, brain, heart and lungs, and lot us merge for the sake of the whole body." "A pious plan" answered the left foot who knew what was afoot:
"And who will decide what is good for the whole body?" "Well," said the brain rather haltingly "the majority of us, I suppose." "That means, you again" interrupted the left foot'angrily, "a rose fay any other name...." So the plan had to be given up and life in the old man continued pretty well as before. The right foot who was a kind of stooge, kicked the left foot, and the left foot' and his followers kicked back and felt themselves oppressed.
One day Little Red who was already a fair maiden had the surprise of her life in the form of an invitation to the old man’s home. To satisfy her own curiosity she accepted it and went to face the old man, who said to her: "wouldn’t you like to live with me pretty child, I am sc lonely and I need somebody’s help. Somebody who would quieten and rub the left foot who is aching all the time. But Little Red heard the grinding of teeth through the sweet words and suspected the old man of trying to disturb the poiso and balance she had acquired. She knew that to live with him under one roof as long as the brain and the mouth held tho loft foot and others in bondage would mean hor own destruction, and so she left the old man firmly convinced not to accept his
augpcstion.
As this clever plan too had failed, the brain could not. excercise anymore the control over the other members of the family and lost much of their confidence he had enjoyed in the past. So matters came to a head. It started with the toes, who owing to their exposed position had always been counted amongst the extreme: extremities. They went on strike and-refused to toe the line.
"My foot" shouted the. mouth at orders from the brain, who was busy trying to stem the rush of blood to the head, "this time we will have a real show-down." The left foot took up the challenge and fought tooth and nail (who were al??ays to be found on the side of
-30-.
reaction) to keep up its independence inside the body of the old. nan. the hair joined the rebellion and no amount of hair-splitting could keep it from bristling. the brain ordered a deaf ear and a blind eye to bo turned to the insurgents, but the nock remained stiff and the shoulder refused to shoulder the responsibility. the stomach could not stomach the trouble and was upsot because the hands joined hands with the rebels. Tho heart cried pityingly "I break, I break" and the skin moaned and groaned "I burst - "
And sc they did. The left foot gave the right one last good kick and finally loft the old mans body with his own crowd of hangers-on.
But the end is not so sad as it seems: the old man still lives, though crippled, and hopes for regeneration of the lost parts of his body. The left foot claims to be a brain and has assembled a host of disciples around him, and Little Red still walks down the lane, a perfect joy to watch, and is maturing, yet still retaining her harmonious unity.
(Seev and Edith Weiss, two chaverim of Hashomer Hatzair in England, arrived in Palestine a few months ago, and are now living in Kibbutz Hazorea),
I imagine you want to hear seme thing about our day-to-day life. Well, here you are.
We always knew that the Jews in Palestine do physical work. But it is more than that. Eretz Israel is a land of worker, more distinctly so than any other country I know. when you travel by bus, you sit in a workers' circle, you you enter a cafe it is filled with workers, on the streets the majority are workers. There are of course also businessmen and good-for-nothings, but the general picture is one of labour.
people discuss work, working-conditions and so on. Everybody
Seev Weiss:
wears khaki trousers or old suits. And as nearly everybody knows everybody else, there is always a lively discussion going on wherever you are. What do these people do? They arc employed in factories, workshops, in the port, in agriculture, arc drivers or kibbutzniks.
You recognise a kibbutznik immediately by his bearing. He is either regarded as the Eretz Israeli and respected as such, or elec is hated by a number of town people who grudge him his better standard of living. There is no question that the individual in the kibbutz lives bettor and has lass worry than his counterpart outside, and 30 many people envy the kibbutznik. Some draw the consequences and leave their moshav or the town to join a kibbutz.
But this does not mean that the kibbutz offers a comfortable life now. Although consolidation has taken place in the older meshakim, and conditions are more comfortable even in the young ones, the chalutzie task still remains, is being shouldered and fulfilled.
I am living in a settlement established ten years ago. Everything seems, to bo fine end the chavorim believed their pioneering days were over. But now they have to take in Youth Aliyah from tho. Balkans. This moans they must leave their stone houses and once again move into barracks, to make room for the children who must not live in zrifim. This is chalutziuth.
During the war dairy farming appeared to be an unprofitable undertaking, and it would have given better returns to sell the cows and invent the money in other ways. But the. kibbutz decided against such a course. They wanted to preserve this branch of the meshek for the post-war period. This again is pioneering.
Nearby there is a young kibbutz which will soon be going on hityashvut. They will settle on land sold to the J.N.F. by Arabs. They are now the rightful owners of the land, but the Arabs still try to prevent them settling down. They have to fight. So far only stones have been thrown, but they expect real fights and raids in the future. But they carry on. This is chalutziut in the old yet always now stylo.
Look at the Jewish Brigade. The majority of the chaverim come from the meshakim. Each chaver mobilised from the kibbutz represents a great loss for the moshek. He cannot be replaced while there is no aliyah. But there are still soldiers being sent from the kibbutzim to help destroy Hitlerism.
Another example of chalutziut. The meshakim led the Yishuv in the collection of money for rescue of our brothers in Europe. Many Jows were saved by this money. Every day the kibbutzim are
-32 —
confrontGd with one or another demand, and you can feel sure that the chcvra will moot־ ovary chalutzic challenge: in ovary sphere of life.

Edith is’shomoroth loila’ this weak. Tail cannot imagine what this moans. There aro two men on mishmoroth whoso job it is to guard the yard, the gates, to walk around, wake tho people who start work early, :feed the animals during the night, and wake the chaverim in the morning. What has the shomoroth leila to do?
She starts at 8 p.m. taking over in the childrens house.
She has to prepare food for the cowmen who start milking at 11 p.m. You will bo surprised to hoar that Edith’s cooking turned out very well, coffee, fried potatoes, egg-pancakes, tomatoo salad, and to finish off, fruit salad. During the evening all the hungry kibbutzniks visit the cook to get some fruit. A few give the cook a hand, but most of them only want to scrounge a few potatoes or so.

When the cowman have finished, Edith has to propare tho next days, food for the children, which mostly consists of cleaning vegetables. Then the dirty washing for the babies has to bo done and the childrens shoes cleaned. In the meantime some shomrim come in to oat and a lot of mothers to drink a cup of coffee, after having fed their babies. Edith also has to make a round of the three childrens houses, to see whether everything is O.K. and that none of the children have fallen out of bed or lost their blankets. Knowing Edith’s Ivrit, you can imagine how she quietens the crying children - if there are any.
bathroom
Round about 4 a.m. the shomoroth fools very tired, but tho has still to be cleaned end the kitchen put in order. By 5 a.m. everything is in order and the regular day-duty starts. Edith hands over the key. And so to bed.
THE SOIL
UNDER OUR FEET
IS THE BASIS FOR OUR STRUGGLE
-30-
By. R.Gruneberg.
In certain evaluations of Jewish assimilation, it is said that assimilation represents the result of the encounter of emancipated Jews with the society and culture of the surroundings into which they were emancipated.
If that were true, several sorious consequences would ensue:
(a) Emancipation would be by its very nature a. destructive, centrifugal factor in the. life of the Jewish people.
(b) Movements towards emancipation would be agencies of dissolution.
(c) Only the Jew who attempts assimilation, would show himself worthy of emancipation.
(d) Complete and universal assimilation would end the existence of a specific Jewish culture.
There are several points of attack regarding this problem.
The one chosen here is historical. We intend to follow up the relevant question through important stages of Jewish history. The question of emancipation and assimilation in the 19th century will then appear as a sub-section of the larger problem: is there a typical and consistent way in which the Jewish people in its history met the challenge of the ou tside world?
We find such encounters between Jewish culture and foreign culture in the history of our people in its own country. The smallness and the geographical position of the country secured the contact with the outer world which later on dispersion provided.
The Jewish people at the time of the conquest of the land, mot the high culture of the Canaanites. Salient features were their efficiency in agriculture and the use of metal weapons, in tho religious field, the Canaan!tos had a modified monotheism which was particularly suited to the conditions of the land, what the Canaanite monotheism lacked, in contrast to even the early stages of Jewish monotheism , was the idea of God’s justice. It lacked what we are used to call "ethical monotheism". The use of idols, human sacrifices, etc. are all less important and less distinctive features.
We. find in the Bible three distinct types, of reaction to the existence of a large body of canaanite tribes in the country. Institutional religion saw the danger which threatened Jewish religion from the very affinlty of the Semitic monotheism of Baal.
By a process, the steps of which, we cannot trace in detail, it
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"ASSIMILATION"
"INTEGRATION"
accepted Canaanite civilisation and enlarged the body of religious customs in order to incorporate features which were particularly fitting to the newly gained land. as an example may serve the High places, which were formerly used by tho Canaanites and thon taken ever by the now lords of the country, retaining much of the external features of servico and sacrifice; the same High places are even today used for the commemoration of Moslem saints.
This attitude is the one taken up. by most of the individual prophets. Isiah compares the people with a vineyard and God with the owner of the vinoyard. This incorporation of cultural and civilisatory contents is opposed by a group of people who negate everything reminiscent of foreign influence. They are groups like the Rohabitos and the dervlsh-like hand-prophots. It is difficult to asses how strong these groups wore numerically. However it is significant that Omri, in his revolution, assured first of all the assistance of the Rehabites, and it seems fairly sure that tho band-prophets were the driving force behind the whole conspiracy. But oven with their strong influonco, those apostles of "back to "nature - which mount to them, back to the simple and just life of the Desort - wore doomed to failure. The people wero on their way from pasture to agriculture and urbanisation, and nothing could stop thorn.
the third group, symbolised by King Ahab, regarded tho difforonces be tween the other Semitic conceptions and the Jewish religion as insignificant, and thoir upholding as inconvenient.
His attempt at assimilation was dictated mainly by the expediency of foreign policy. We cannot investigate hero to the full, tho reasons for his failure; the traditional account is curiously incomplete. But part of the reason was suroly that the influonco of the band-prophots, even if it could not turn back the wheels of history, was strong enough to make itself felt, against heathenish infiltration. Besides, the movement happened to possess just then a powerful and shrowd leader.
This triangle: sections, assimiletionists, institutional religion, has an interesting class aspect too. the social back-ground of the sects is difficult to assess; it sooms that thoy had common property. The assimilationists were the very rich and the peasants, the adherents of the middle way, townspeople mainly. In the ranks of the adherents of progressive monotheism (in contrast to the "reactionary" monotheism of the sects), wo have a division into priosts and prophets, which was more truly on class lines,
The next instance we see is the clash of Judaism with Hellenism. Up to the time of Alexander the Great, the flow of influence was weak and at least as strong from east to west as conversely. It has been shown for example, that the .classical posture of Venus was a transformation from Semitic sculpturos of Astarte, symbolising female fertility. with Alexander and the
35
Diadochi, Greek culture appears,on the Jewish scene as one associated with a conquering power as long as this powor did not interfere with, the life of the country all was well; the now influence would, have grown slowly but steadily if the Government would have resipid content with it. Conditions brought about a different course of events. As soon as power, and violently applied, power for that matter, associated itself with: that culture, again throe different types of reactions could be observed: the sycophantic admirers of sucoess, who stumbled over each other to shew their servility; the patriots who negated the now,י without consideration of its merits, just because it was associated With oppression. The third type are the conservatives, who arc little influenced by either party, but strive to save as much as possible of their inheritance, by non-interyphtioh in world-affairs. They ware neither fanatically committed to the refusal of overy thing Greek, nor over-anxious to come, into contact with that cultural world.

It must be kept in mind that the culture imported into Palestine by the Diadochi, was not the pure Greek brand, but Hellenism, composed of elements of the declining culture of Greek epigones and the philosophies of the Near East, with which Alexander's armies came into contact.
The gonius of the Maccabeas consist in the correct evaluation of the forces opposing them. That is true, hot only of the mi lintary aspect, but of the cultural issue too. The programme of the Maccabean rise was political independence for the community, and the fight against the sycophantic groups in the land. The Maccabees succeeded in rallying parts of the Conservative circles to their causa. the Hassidim, the spiritual forefathore of the pharisees, joined the struggle. But they proved unreliable in the long run, as they failed to see that more than a narrow, religious issue was at stake, conoernod with the investiture of an Aharonide High Priest. As aoon as this issue was decided in their favour, they left the ranks. They failed to understand that it meant very little to the government to make such small concession, in the justified hope of splitting their enemies.
Once, the servile type of assimilationists, who accepted tho Hellenism at its lowest, lock, stock and barrel, were subdued, and the country freed, the Maccabeas wore able to encounter Greek culture on equal standing: two cultures of two free peoples met. It was understood that Greek culture could have a benoficial and rejuvenating influence on Jewish culture. the Maccabees did not hesitate to soak this contact, and to introduce Greek elements in their culture. The famous letter of Jonathan to the Spartans is an example: "It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews, that they are brethren and that they are of the stock of Abraham."
There arc more, small signs that an integration of Greek
- 36 -
elements took place. The institution of a festival in commemoration of a victory, as in "Nicanor’s Day", is one. The philosophy of Philo of Alexandria, which is a combination of Greek philosophy with Jewish literature, shows that the need and desire for a serious discussion of these problems, was brought about by this policy of the Hasmonean house.
Perhaps we do well to meditate on the ways in which Greek culture was introduced into different countries: the Homans brought teachers, writers and sculptors as slaves to Italy; tho conquerors regarded the cultural inheritance of the subdued as fashionable. In Egypt the Greek culture obliterated the native culture completely and beyond, hope of rejuvenation. The Jews fought against the foreign influence as long as it was coupled with foreign oppression. They practised wise integration of valuable elements as soon as the two stood on equal terms - "The Spartans and the Jews are Brethren".
The third instance of outer influence we have to discuss, is the Spanish period. We see in the Spanish period the high point of Jewish life outside Palestine. Its development is determined by the attitude of Islam to the Jews. After a prolonged fluctua-tion in that attitude, the Moslem in Spain came to respect the love of learning of the Jews, which resembled their own attitude to their Scriptures.
The Islam encountered Greek philosophy and embodied part of it in their conceptions. This brought about translations of Greek classics into Arabic, a language which the Jews in Spain could understand and translate into Hebrew. Jewish philosophy received now impulse from this material. Jewish writers of the time, outstanding among them, Ibn Gatirol and Yehuda Halevi, incorporated this new knowledge into their books. Christian Europe learnt a great deal of Arab and Greek culture through the medium of tho Jewish writers. For Hebrew poetry, religious and secular, this was the golden time. In stylo and form, this Hebrew poetry is strongly influenced by Arabic culture. In content nothing could be termed more decidedly Jewish than the products of this period, for example, Yehuda Halevi’s Zionides.

Islam failed, completely to exert religious influence on any large body of Jews; it caused no self-negating assimilation. By a process of mutual respect and exchange of knowledge, both cultural spheres gained, without fusing into one. The astonishing fact about all this is that the Jews were in dispersion already then, a minority which would have been completely right - and powerless if the original ordinances of Omar against the ’infidels.’ would have been carried into effect.
The three periods we have chosen are high lights of Jewish history. But the. process of interchange goes on throughout our history. The attempts by some groups to assimilate the life of the Jewish people to other culture is not now. Its success is a
- 37 -
new feature. This success however was limited, temporary, and is not a predominantly constructive element in our history.
Its pauses cannot be followed up here. It can be stated in conclusion of our historical survey, that assimilation is not a frequent or even necessary result, of the encounter of Jewish culture with the outside world.
Having established the facts, which soon to connect into a law governing Jewish history, we come to ask ourselves what what may be the nature of the laws governing Jewish history...
Be they fit into a dialectic conception of History? If the Marxist interpretation of history is to have any value for the solution of the Jewish problem, it has to be established, that such interpretation is in accord with the facts. That in turn necessitates the study of the course of our. history in some detail, including the factors which aro neglected inmost of the great historical works, the social issues and the particular way in which they widened or narrowed the scope of foreign influence.
Intentionally we did not amplify summary statements by historical details. Our intention was merely to show the development of problems such as "assimilation" versus "integration" in the course of our history, and to impress the necessity to descend from generalities, unburdened by facts, to serious and close study of the rich history of our people. This must be done without preconceived Judgement, but with a clear conception of historical method.
Henrietta Szold, the mother of Youth Aliyah, a women rospectod by the whole Jewish movement of Liberation, died in the 84th year of her life. From the year 1882, when she received in one of the harbours of America, refugoos from the terrible pogroms of Tzarist Russia, until the years of our present disaster, when.she stood in the harbour of Tel-Aviv to receive in the Homeland the victims of Fascism - hers was a path of hard work and rescue.
When disaster threatened she was on hor guard to save from the massacre, all Jewish children who could bo saved, to root thorn in the soil of the Homeland, to educate thorn in the duties of labour.
And now she is gone - in the midst of her work. How much will we miss her in the days of relief to come, when tho young children of our people assemble..
We are orphaned.
HENRIETTA SZOLD
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CONTENTS.
May Nay 1945 Page
Weizmann by Meir Yaari 1.
Comments by Y. Labenneim 2.
Jewish partisans by Roska. 5.
The World T.U. Conference by M.Oran 14.
Towards a Workers’ Party by Y. Riftin 19.
Old Ma-o-Pai and Little Red by Lari 29.
Palestine Diary by S. Weiss 31.
"Assimilation" versus "Into ration"
by R. Grunerberg 34.
Honriotta Szold 38.
Cover ana Headlines....................Eva.
published by:
Hash ora or Hatzair, Socialist-Zionist youth Organisation, 199, Bloomsbury House, Bloomsbury Street, LONDON, W.C.1.November 1944.
Hashomer Eatzair Gt.Britain, 198, Bloomsbury House,
.Bloomsbury St. W.C.1.
EDUCATIONAL BULLETIN.
POLITICAL EDUCATION.

by Charlie Nomis.
We should use the term 'Political Education merely as a guide for classification because there is no way of separating political education from the other fields that we deal with educationally, such as economics and history on the one side, ox ethics and philosophy on the other.
(The first task in this essay must be to get clear about what is "politics". We must assume that the Tzofo Benoni has no clear idea of what we mean when we talk about politics. By "society" for. instance he will understand "Mayfair society" or "Benevolent society", and by politics he is likely to understand something akin to diplomacy. We'must make sure that any mis-conceptions of this kind are eliminated before we tackle our subject.
As the most embracing definition of politics, I would suggest: "Politics are the dynamic relation of opposing and cooperating forces in society". This definition results in the following questions:
(1) What are the forces? What kind of forces are they?
How strong are they in relation to one another? Are they blind or guided?
(2) How does their dynamic relation work? How does this struggle proceed? By what means do we mark "progress"? How do these forces change while they oppose or co-operate with one another?
Before answering these questions wo have to consider for a moment what attitudes we have to reckon with, first among the Tzofim, and secondly among ourselves. In addition to the above-mentioned conception of politics as a game between politicians, there is also prevalent the opinion that politics is the decisive factor in relations between groups in society. We have to make it clear that behind the demands, slogans and actual moves in politics, there lies the whole substance of society. And all the needs of the various groups that make up this.society, be they cultural, educational, physical etc. only become political through being voiced as social demands.
Accompanying the conception of politics being a game there-is also a general belief that in this game there are 110 rules, and restrictions of any kind. It is important for our purposes to go very deeply into this, and to find out in sichot and discussions, Where we take our standards from.
Another important point to bear in mind when considering the ideas of the Tzofim Benonim is that they will have a very exaggerated idea of the importance of Parliament and political democracy in general.
Of the shortcoming that we have to guard against in connection with ourselves, the most important one is probably that we often use Marxist analysis of historical and political problems as a description of events, which gives a quality of dogmatic dryness that is not only monotonous in sichot, but of course, incorrect and misleading.
On the one hand we must be aware of the responsibility that
2
wo hold in ear hands when explaining political problems to younger people.
On the other hand, the method that concerns itself too rividly with the analysis of historical and political forces whilst leaving out or not stressing sufficiently, their actual clash in the various definite instances, "Is an approach that will not create the ability to meet now tactical situations.
In the light of what I said before we have now to consider what our actual objectives arc in political education.
(1) To explain the character of nationalism, to show where and how it has acted, how. the same nationalistic slogans have often been used for progressive and reactionary purposes by different groups, and to show how strong nationalism is today.
is examples we can use for instance, the Dutch Wars of Freedom against Spain, the American War of Independence, growth of the Italian nation, and the problem of India today. It is however, important in this connection, to keep ones balance.
While, during.the sichot wo have to try and relate the forces of nationalism to the other social forces active at the same time, we have to make it our particular objective to counteract the woolly internationalism' of those who use the slogan "The worker has no fatherland" to explain away all differences between various national groups.
(2) The intensity of the Class Struggle. Educationally, our approach to class struggle is always in danger of being too academic. This is especially unfortunate as clever sons and daughters of middle-class parents will be quite; willing to indulge in speculations and political theory if there is not connected with it, an challenge to themselves. As we ourselves do not participate in the class struggle to the extent that
for instance, English or Palestinian workers do, we from our side, are also inclined to overstress the analytical, speculative, relation of forces, side of the class struggle.
We must use all efforts to bring home to the Tzofim the brutality, privation, and sordidness of the forms that the class struggle always assumes. Examples of this are plentiful, such as the brutal repression of working class organisations at the beginning of the last century in Britain (Peterloo, the Dorset Deportations). A new example is 'the progress of American labour.
(3) Contemplation of Evolution and Revolution. Apart from pointing out the differences in approach between revolutionary and reformer, we must make sure not to lose in this discussion,
the basic unity between evolution and revolution. This is important also because of the tendency on the part of. the Tzofim, to dismiss the importance of developments preceding any political clash, and thus to view it statically, is one example, I would suggest the three or four decades prior to the Russian Revolution 1917.
(4) Adherence to the forces of progress, change and revolution, must become a natural attitude.. In the same way as we have to create among our chaverim adherence .and connection with the Jewish people,that is. not only emotional nor only intellectual or political, but embraces the whole of their personality,
so we have to create self-evident solidarity with the forces of progress.
Discussion should not be the only medium of bringing about such an attitude, and not even the most important one. To illustrate all the sacrifices of individual workers, loaders, revolutionaries; to make clear the extent to which they gave up immediate personal concerns. To lot the Tzofe arrive, if possible by himself, at the conclusion that their (revolutionaries etc) personal happiness is insolubly bound up with the fulfilment of the tasks set them by the particular circumstances. Here, again, we can chose examplas from many sources, not least from accounts of present day underground activities.
- 3 -
(5) Lastly, the connection between economic and physical,
technical advance and political events. For instance, the "new. awakening" of sciende at the end of the Middle Ages, as the basis of the developments that led to industrialism, and the modern (capitalist) conception of life and society.
The increased technical efficiency of capitalist production as the basis of economic expansion, and finally of the growth of monopoly and Fascism. In this field there is much room for independent research

It must be clear that the media to be used in our political education must not be restricted to sichot, neshafim and books. The larger we can make the share of actual experience, such as visits to factories, docks, farms etc., the more we can induce the Tzofim to find out through personal contacts about the life and attitude of people of different upbringing and from different classes, the deeper will our explanations penetrate into their minds.
PLAN POE TEN SICHOT WITH TZOFIM BOGBIM ON PALESTINE AND THE JEWISH LABOUR MOVEMENT.
by Richard Gruneberg.
(l) Palestine in history. The peculiarity of its position between East and West, and between the Empires of the East and Egypt. Show main routes of conquests ,and difficulties caused by the presence of large deserts. Deserts have always been there-in the midst of the country, Juda for instance. Dependency on weather, locusts etc. Material: Little book by Blunt: Israel in World History. The rather largo book, by Smith: Historical Geography of the Holy Land, which is very nice to read. I would in fact read it to explain the historyof any part of modern Palestine.
(2) The Exile: Social conditions hastened the destruction of national existence. Prosperity in Babylonia. Exile in Egypt. Social conditions in the exile. The exile is the birth of Judaism as an abstract theology. All conception lifted up into lbs tract ions. Return. Racial problems. Is the race question a real issue or just fancy of the Nazis. Political side of the work of Ezra and Nehemia: Israel was then a pawn in Persian power-politics, vide the sham liberalism of Cyrus. Bead different accounts on the Elephantine papyrus.
(3) Early Zionism. Romanticisms, Yehuda Halevy, David Alroy (novel by Disraeli). Chassidic attitude, false Messiahs. Mental structure of the old Yishuv. Describe life in Safed, Jerusalem and what happened to them in 1929 riots.
(4) Arabs in Palestine. What is Islam. Militant character of
religion. Omar. Show pictures of Palestinian mosques and Holy places. Attitude of Islam to J ews: Mohammed, Spain. Today. Describe, Arabs in Palestine life, in town and country. Family
life. Read small booklet of Mapai on the Brith Poale Eretz Yisrael. Parties today, lack of interest in Follahira. Do not enter into political question, but show, how a real discussion is impossible without further knowledge. Amongst the books, don't forgot, Frey:
Winter in Arabia.
(5) New Colonisation. The new colonisation did develop not because of, but In spite of Herzls political Zionism. Show fight between Ruppin and the Bureau after H. death. First settlement. Merchavia. (Oppenhoimer) Galil, "Hashoner" 2nd Aliyah, Bilu.
(6) From now on leave historical treatment altogether, but treat each Peleg by itself.
4
(6) Emek Hayarden. Oldest Ilibbutzin and Kvutzoth, Gordon,
Rachel, Hebrew Poetry. Beginnings of organisation of workers. New settlement, Bin Gob, Bothnia ilit. Beginning of Shomer settlement. Bead to Zama and the G'dud Lvoah, general: importance of road work and government enterprise.
Question of size of Kibbutz. Ruthenberg work. Rutenberg built a village for his workers. Like ford. Progressive?
(7) Galil eleon. Natural beauty. Stories of the northern
border. Trumpeldor. New settlement in Galil. Huleh. Fisheries. Up here peace with Arabs - Why? abundance of water - malaria. Tell of types of malaria and protection against it.
(8) Emek. Main kibbutzim. Lay of the land. Kibbutz
Hameuchad. Our old kibbutzim. Mosheyei Ovdim. Historical places: Moggiddo, Ein Harod, Kamel, Ussishkin:
Ruf des Bodens (translated by K.K.L) fule, Ir Haemck. Wasserkopf. Population problems, boon-policy before 4th Aliyah. Tell of this Aliysh, Grabski. Value of organic A1iyah.
(9) Towns. Jerusalem. Headquarters of Agency. Historical
places. Wailing Wall. University. Haifa. Oil. Port. Conscious working class. Show the activities of Haifa Labour Council by describing the Beth m, just as you describe the Histadruth by describing the "transport house" in Tel Aviv, or Hash, oner Hatzair while you described Merchavia, Tel Aviv. Its history, difficulties. Importance of right proportions, of professions and balance between tow and country.
(10) agricultural settlements in the coastal plains and
the south. Problems of Moshava. Bilu turned employer. Grab and: Jew in wage labour, agricultural trade union: activities. Should we retire into kibbutzim or remain in moshavoth. Jasmine in Benyamina: should we be self-supporting or build up exports. Export to Europe, or/and the Middle East. Palestine in the Middle East. Surrounding countries today, their attitude to us and their problems.
Sicha given by Bichard Grueneberg at the Tzofim Benonim Madrichim Pegislia .5.11.44.
EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF ADOLESCBNCE.
To be able to discuss the educational problems of this age we have first to consider some psychological facts. In textbooks on psychology the age is usually given as 15 to 25 years for boy's, and 12 to 21 years for girls, This seems to be slightly too long for our considerations and as far as boys are concerned, puts the beginning and end too late. With girls the beginning is put too early and the end too late. In fact the individual differences are so big, that it is hardly possible to generalize, but the outstanding and educationally important fact is, that puberty starts earlier in girls.
We talk of puberty beginning with the onset of physical maturing. But the maturing of the sexual organs and the secondary sexual characteristics is a fairly short process.
Maturing of mind and emotion may last much longer, as we will see presently. The common denominator for all mental phenomena is the simple fact, that the person id a child no more, in no sense, and that it feels an attraction to the other sex (however indirect it may be at times) and it feels, that the other sex is attracted to it, in varied degrees, rad by. people of his own age as well, as by older people.
A puberty which ends at the moment when the sexual organs are able to function, provides little educational problems, in fact, is hardly accessible to normal educative intervention. We call the moment of first sexual intercoursethe end of puberty and use the technical term "simple" puberty for such a development.
What are the effects of such early intercourse? There can be no general statement but We have to distinguish between different cases. There is a type on whom there is no emotional after-effect at all. With a boy much depends on whether the partner was younger or older. In the second case we talk of seduction and such experiences may affect the rest of his life. Repentance or boastfulness may result, a deprecation of the whole opposite sex, disgust, fear of love, loss of tenderness. In girls the consequences are somewhat similar but in addition we have to consider this: in a girl, the erotic zone is spread fairly evenly over the body, whilst in the boy the concentration on the regenerative zone is much earlier and automatic. With sexual intercourse the concentration is - often under painful circumstances forced at an earlier stage. Such an experience urges for repetition and a precocious development is to be expected. In social work it can be taken almost as a dogma, that waywardness in girls has its origin here.
Talking of precocity: we may mention the fact, that there are people whose body matures much earlier than we should expect at their age. This relatively frequent with Jewish children, and in girls more than in boys. In shite of all appearances, these children do not provide an additional problem. Their emotional make-up is not different from that of their contemporar-ies - if left alone. Unfottunately these people seam to provide a great attraction to some older people and are greatly upset by their attentions. If vie are in charge of children like that we have to guard them against all evil influences.
There is a definite psychological effect of sexual in tact without intercourse. It lessens the urge, of activity, Ida, es both partners at a high tension, does not provide the harmony of tension and relaxation which is a feature of normal sexual life.
The problem now posed is: as far as we are able to influence things should our preference be in the direction of simple or double puberty (called double because there are two different processes of mental and bodily maturing, which do not coincide
bat for a short period). The simple puberty is often praised as the proletarian form, as more natural, more healthy and as a right of man. Indeed it is suggested, that the neuroses of puberty arise from undue restriction of the sexual urge, that puberty with all its inner difficulty is nothing"'"but a compli-cation fostered upon the child by society. It is the task' of discussion to find a way for the educational movement as a whole, because whatever we do, we cannot and must not'be neutral. It is not sufficient to say, that the way of simple puberty is blocked to us by the fact that our children come from a bourgeois home, and that their difficulties, individually and collectively, for us as a movement, would.be too great - though this is an important consideration. But this question has to be answered on a different basis.
To me it seems that we would do a grave injustice to the child to encourage it to a form of shorter or simpler puberty.
We shorten the period of its greatest receptiveness, and owing to the consequences and accompanying phenomena of early inter-course, deprive it of a better and fuller experience, later on.
For educational reasons alone, I would advocate a policy of active influence against such a shortening of the maturing process.
Very often the sexual urge is strengthened by the idea, that with a grown-up sexual attitudethe dangers of puberty, which seem manyfold, are overcome with one step. Here we come to the main secondary conflict of puberty (the purely sexual problems we regard as primary phenomena, al though these levels influence each other in many ways). Puberty presents the child with two conflicting desires: the wish to grow up and the wish to remain a child.
The desire to grow, up -0 nevercome this seeminly ridiculous estate of puberty - thows itself in a strong wish to be independent. This is an allround wish and not confined to fields whore we would welcome it. It can even be directed against the youth movement, if it is felt, that the movement acts as an" instituion which applies its laws to the growing individual.
This is contrasted on the other hand by a will to serve, at all costs, including great costs to oneself. If identification with the youth movement is reached, this type of child will always offer himself for all work, to its own real disadvantage. We saw an example at the Neshof at the Pegisha - the girl who scrubs the floor of the Maon by herself, and all the time.
The representation was true to life in another respect: that such a person is left to carry out its own desire.
But a Madrich has to intervene and reduce this will to serve to reasonable limits. This will to serve can show itself in political alignments, in professional work etc. A very harsh judgement is applied to oneself and to others, the will to condemn is great, and the will to condone often restricted to one’s own weaknesses. This harsh judgement is connected with the habit of adolescene to put its ideals too high and too absolute. And in spite of all these phenomena we find a strong egotism, associal even anti-social tendencies, a disregard of feelings of others ruthlessness in pursuing a particular selfish aim and, as an answer to the outside world, great self-consciousness.
The desire to remain a child has equally many sides but we can only mention a few here: shyness is one and fear of bodily changes another. This often occurs in girls with the first menstruation, which has to be regarded as an important event in her life. With boys the fear arises with masturbation.
This is an almost general phenomaa n and can be discussed In a general way. It does not only occur, at this period, and the main, educative effort concerning it, has to be in pre-puberty, and we can do no more than mention it here.
On the third level, let us regard shortly the Intellectual
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side. It is obvious from the foregoing, that these many problems and conflicts direct attention to the self rather than the oufside., and a certain intellectual standstill is to be observed, Disciplined thinking is rare (but a great love of formalism and scholastic arguing frequent). Puberty is a stage at which the mind ceases to receive from out side for a while.
The knowledge and experience of former times is worked upon until it yields some sort of conception of the world - and the adolescent treasures his particular brand of world conception.
We now come to the educational consequences of all this, and for convenience sake we will divide our study into a sexual and a social part. On the sexual side our demands should be: to spread sexual knowledge sanely. It is rather outside the Scope of this sicha to say more than that great care and attention is needed. Further, to avoid any sultry atmosphere around sex matters: they should not be the object of jokes, of too great attention, of endless discussion, or of mbarassment. Finally, to control the social contact of the sexes without undue restriction.
Co-education is a very important feature here, but the shyness of mixing with the other sex, whenever it shows itself in some children, should be respected. On the other hand we
must discourage tooeasy and erotical contact with the other sex: this somdtimes loads to toplcnsnrit developments and a cheapening of love-life altogether. Such desire for corporal contact has to be watched even when considering groups of boys or girls ! alone, to counter homosexual traits (often, coupledwith love of the Madrich) .
On the social level, guidance is needed in these perturbed times, but the right of real independence must be granted. I stress real, because there are two sorts of mock-independence: one attitude is for the Mad rich to wait and let the Hanichim thrash out their problem until they find that they cannot solve it, whereupon the Madrich enters with a ready-made solution and. shows himself as almost super-human. The other way is to stress that the Tzofim have to decide everything, but by limiting and influencing the sicha the desired decision is reached, "and the Tzofim are made to believe, that it is really theirs.
As opposed to this, real independence has to be advocated, even if things do not run so smoothly as a consequence, or if they go in a different direction for a time. But still, we remain the educators, we are guiding the younger people - but at the same time the young person has the desire and right, to make his own decisions, to build his own life and that has to be respected. I put it as a question and hope we have the opportunity to discuss this hard we, as a youth movement guiding• too narrowly?
Yesterday we spoke about influencing the child of 12 or 13 years of age. not to take up the commercial course at his school. Later we talked of technical colleges, of Kibbutziut, Aliyah. We have to regard the question also from this side - do we give enough freedom in all this?
The next question is strongly connected with this: we spoke of asocial trends. In our education we have to take this into account. When we make demands on the child we must be flexible.
The tendency often goes to be alone for long stretches at a time. Should we expell such a chaver? If our demands are turned down, should we threaten and arouse his fighting spirit against us?
Would it not be far more educational to give way to such leanings, to show understanding even against the momentary interests of the movement? Crises in puberty are frequent and often of short duration. Equally, enthusiasm does not last long, must not be mistaken for real intellectual interest or conviction. Nothing in puberty, is so constant as changes.
We have to lessen the egotism and the
and the arts provide a splendid means for this. Paintings, music novels, moving pictures, are examples. In paintings and modelling and music we should encourage th.e Haniehim not only to be receptive but also to .do it themselves. In writing I should rather advise restriction of writing of articles for publication in Hoserim, and similariy with poetry, as these rather foster an attitude of self-centredness.
In novels we have a whole library of book suitable for that age They are mainly concerned with inner development, self-education, the antagonism between duty and pleasure, society and individual, and similar problems. The social problems, not only in fiction but in life, presented, in the right way, can help to keep up interest in the outer world, and counteract the self- importances The feeling f or: suffering in the world can-serve as a means of re-introduction of the social feeling. With us the fate of the Jews is of importance here - it brings, the general feelings of pity and anger against injusticenearer home.
We have to be careful not to bind the Banish too-closely to the Madrich. At this stage we must loosen the personal bonds.
We can put it like this: in the Kovshim stage we fight to win the child's affection, in the Tzofim stage we fight for a loosening of these feelings, to direct them to real objects - we fight for objectivisation in our education. That is part of our guidance: to guide away from attachment to us personally. Our ideals and aims play the main part now. That does not mean that the Madrich takes less trouble over the. Child now, but that the trouble wo take must be less obvious. It will not do to go for long walks with the child, when he tells about himself and his many real and imagined problems, We must not take, these things tragically - our reaction to the various crises has to be, to all appearances, casual - but for ourselves, w.e must take it all seriously and think about the questions put to us.
We must try to give substantial help, with dramatisation of the situation, and - this is important - without giving the impression that we have, already solved all problems. It is just as bad to answer: "Why, I an facing the same personal problem now" as it is to; answer all problems as if we already knew the solution. This self-righteousness is easily discovered and deceives nobody.
Winding up. and replies to questions:
There, is a complete difference of approach whether you ask (a) does a certain educational measure fit in with the. necessities of our movement: or (b) ie it necessary or beneficial for the child. Some fifty years ago, an educational movement, started to regard education from, the point of view of the child -for the child primarily and not for any ulterior aims outside, the educative process. I believe, that we have to stick to that, because these children are. entrusted to us - but on the other hand,
I believe that .the education of our movement, sensibly and flexibly applied, is fitting and good for all, literally all shichavoth. Otherwise our whole educational work: would be nonsense and so much waste of time.
When I said we must not be too: rigid in demanding things from the. Tzofe, I did not mean that we should leave him entirely to his. own devices. He would soon become a prey to people or groupings who are less scrupulous.. Therefore I applied the word guidance.with-plenty of scope for genuine:decisions on the part of the Tzofe. Ind on the question of demands, I would like to say on the practical side that we do not really gain by pressing our demands. It will generally be a guest ion of losing a member and thereby a potential madrich or keeping the' member without having, him working, as madrich for some limited time. Even from the opportunistic point of view nothing: is gained by stubborness in these cases.
Is Madrichut at all compatible with the problems of puberty?
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I would answer that in the affirmative, but the education of Kovshim has to be controlled by the Had rich of the Tzofim, via the Tzofe. He must indirectly help and control the educational work, including the reaction of the Tzofe to his work and wards. Besides, the whole group of Tzofim must be included in the work with younger children; it must be made their interest and responsibility. This will increase their feeling of responsibility towards the Ken and lessen in the mad rich the feeling of power and self-importance.
It was said in the discussion, that objectivisation is, in our situation, the worse thing to do. Here again I have to repeat, that the question does not arise in this form. Without going into detail, I would like to repeat that movement interests and educational interests are fully compatible. But their inter-relation is rather more complicated, so that quick answers and general recipes will not help. Educational principles which serve the interests of the child and the movement as a whole, have to be worked out by the madrichim of the shichva, and this discussion and its continuation can be a valuable basis for that.
How to individual questions: Masturbation is not a difficulty to be dealt with collectively, in a discussion with the group of something of the sort. Individual talks are only advisable If the child asks for it. Chuge Hamadriahim, in which the question is primarily discussed in connection with kovshim, can be very influential. In general this indirect approach can be very effective. There was a complaint about exaggerated interest in sex-matters and literature about it. I should advise you to do nothing about it, except to see that the books are really first-rate ones, or otherwise supply some. Sexual enlightenment by books (perhaps with discussion on difficult points) Is not the worst way to do this difficult work. There are various books written on methods of sexual enlightenment. The Board of Education issued a pamphlet (No.119) on "Sex Education in Schools and Youth Organisations') which is worth having.
Doing this work I should add social problems to the scope of the discussion, but I would not hang too much on this peg, but rather answer what IS asked. It does more harm than good to foster an interest in psychology of sex and related items: There is a basis for Jewish education in the way outlined, and not only with refugee children. If the suffering of the Jewish people is already exploited to the full and becomes everyday fare for the group, then there must be something wrong in the way it was done.
nevertheless, once such a state of saturation is reached, now ways have to be looked for, we must not depend entirely on social generalisations without reference to our specific situation. Dramatics are a valuable help in presentation, but beyond that there is much doubt about educational benefits derived from this form of self-expression. Snobbishness in the interpretation of art is a bar to real experiences and has to be broken down by more original approaches.