חיפוש > תוצאות חיפוש > 1.13.3.מפם.לתרגם.1980.פומבי.translate

togenarian Hazan does not yearn for Mapam’s lost glories: “Any tampering with the Alignment will bring the whole structure tumbling down.” To his mind, an indepen־ dent Марат “in today’s circum-stances will become so radical as to replace Sheli at the extreme edge of the political fringe. We have already lost too much proletarian support and a further leftward lurch will lose us more. Our only chance to win back lost voters is in the Alignment.”
But while the debate rages on in Марат, its present allies and poten-tial future partners are looking on with anxiety. Labour cannot come up with a single collective view as to what outcome at the Марат con-vention is desirable for it. The kib-butz movements affiliated to Labour are alarmed. There are economic enterprises and cooperative ventures shared with Mapam’s Kibbutz Artzi. In the event of a split, Марат could make attempts to woo the more radical young people in the Labour kibbut-zim. But the hawkish moshav move-ment and the Labour Tel Aviv branch cannot wait to “be rid of the Марат burden quickly enough.”
The politically orphaned Sheli survivors are egging Марат on to substitute its vows with Labour for union with them. Labour’s promi-nent dove, Yossi Sarid, has been is-suing warnings that he might leave Labour, and a newly independent Марат might provide a political home for him, yet not everyone in rigidly disciplined Марат is eager to have such non-conformists as Sarid.
From a dove’s point of view, Марат is also a likely mate for MK Shulamit Aloni and her Citizens Rights Movement, though Mapam’s ideological collectivism and doctrinaire Marxist-oriented socialism are hardly her political cup of tea. But she, like others, is waiting for the Марат decision.
Even Mapam’s most seasoned pundits are wary of predicting what will happen this time around. However, one old-timer told The Post that, to his mind, “the sure win-ner in this debate will be the com-promise drafters, who will come up with an ingeniously-worded docu-ment that will satisfy all sides. It will keep Марат somehow in the Align-ment and will, at the same time, somehow take it out of it.”
The writer is The Jerusalem Post political reporter.
Is Мараm crying wolf?
By SARAH HONIG
tali Ben Moshe, which has been campaigning so energetically that it has incurred party wrath, and been accused of resorting to “notorious Mapai practices.”
Ben Moshe argues that in the event of a split — regardless of how it is labelled — Марат and Labour will compete for the same pool of potential voters. “They will become zealous combatants, each seeking to prove its prowess and vindicate its moves. They will sling mud at each other, beginning with issues like a Palestinian state and contacts with the PLO, and will then go back in history all the way to the Stalinist era and Mapam’s pro-USSR stance in those days. Марат will depict Labour as indistinguishable from the Likud, and the only party laughing will be the Likud,” he predicts.
But Grossman sees a different future for an independent or quasi-independent Марат. To her mind, Марат and Labour would garner more votes if they ran separately rather than under the Alignment umbrella. Марат would be a new leftist alternative, and attract all those who voted for small fringe parties because they found it impos-sible to vote for any list that in-eluded Labour. On the other hand more rightist voters, who were put off by Mapam’s membership in the Alignment, would now vote for Labour. Some in Марат predict as many as a dozen Knesset seats for a new leftist party composed of Марат and possibly other elements such as the Sheli splinter group led by Ran Cohen.
THE МАРАМ leadership is clearly looking back nostalgically to the pre-1965 days, when “Марат was a party in its own right and not a Labour concubine,” as Grossman puts it. Linked to Labour, Марат cannot grow, attract young members, and develop a new leadership potential, she argues.
On the other side of the court, oc-
This proposal has attracted far greater support in Марат than similar schemes ever did in the past. The debate in the party can hardly be more intense. To gauge the heat it generates, one merely needs to glance at recent copies of the party paper, Al-Hamishmar. During the past fornight, it has printed no less than 70 opinion pieces pro and con on the issue of the Alignment alone. Another 40 articles will never see light for lack of space.
Some in Марат claim that a revolution had shaken the party in the past year. Disappointment with the Alignment as a force capable of defeating the Likud has never been greater. The Lebanon War brought about a de facto disbandment of the Alignment Knesset faction, with Марат voting its own way when it deems that the Labour position is not radical enough.
Against this background, it is not surprising that there is greater readiness in Марат seriously to consider loosening — if not severing — the bond to Labour. In fact, the majority of Mapam’s leaders" now back the Alliance notion. All party secretaries — Victor Shem-Tov, Grossman, Gad Yatziv and Binyamin Yas’ur — are now spon-soring it, and it is favoured by five out of Mapam’s seven MKs: Elazar Granot, Dov Zakin, Ya’ir Tzaban, Mohammed Watad and Shem-Tov. The two secretaries of Mapam’s Kibbutz Artzi movement — Dov Peleg and Aliza Amir — are also pro-Alliance.
THIS FORMIDABLE coalition is opposed by Mapam’s two elder statesmen — Meir Ya’ari and Ya’acov Hazan — who in the past have managed to swing party opi-nion their way against the odds. Former secretary-general Meir Talmi, and MKs Imri Ron and Naf-tali Fedder, are also against any change. So is the Марат Histadrut faction under the leadership of Naf-
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
24 יוני 1983
TEL AVIV-MAPAM insiders can be heard telling themselves and others these days that "this time it’s different — this time it’s really serious." They are referring to the latest round of the seemingly un-ending debate in their party about the possible termination of the Alignment with Labour. With their convention under way, they point out that "this time the anti-Alignment forces finally do have a majority. This time we are not just talking."
To anyone who has followed Марат politics, this has the familiar ring of the boy desperately crying "wolf’ once again,.
Марат seems periodically to go through a rite of painful soul-searching and ideological agonizing about the future of the .Alignment. Each time the press is forewarned that "this time something is really going to happen." If Марат ever does sever its tie with Labour, it will , be. as much of a surprise — despite the numerous prior alarms — as if the bad wolf had really made an appearance.
Smug Labourites cynically observe that "for all the bravado, Марат will not break with Labour. It can never win seven Knesset seats under its own steam. This is a basic political fact of life. The ideology is so much window-dressing."
WHETHER "IT is really different this time," or yet another false warning, will become apparent this weekend, when the Марат conven-tion gets down to business, after its official opening session last night.
An outright break with Labour is not really on the agenda — although such a proposal will be put forward as usual, for Марат forums fre-quentiy take an introspective look at the state of the Alignment. But serious consideration will be given to another proposal which con-stitutes the closest thing to a total split. Most of the Alignment’s traditional opponents within Марат, such as former MK Chaika Grossman, are now backing this proposal, which envisages the sub-stitution of an alliance for the pre-sent Alignment between the two parties. An Alliance would be a much looser partnership. It would provide for two separate Knesset factions, separate decisions, no overall party discipline, and an op-tion for running on independent tickets in the next Knesset elec-tions, or as a single bloc for the duration of the elections only.
THE JERUSALEM
POST
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
NASHA. STRANA
МАПАМ В СОЮЗЕ С ПАРТИЕЙ ABO ДА ОСТАЕТСЯ-В МААРАХЕ
что следует только совмест-ныш силами добиться по-беды на предстоящих выбо-рах, так как правительство Никуда привело страну к катастрофе.
секретариат считают, что МАПАМ должен выступить самостоятельно на лолити-ческой арене и накануне выборов возглавить всех ле-вых в стране.
В беседе с корреепонден-том ИТИМ Виктор Шемтов заявил, что он уважает . ре-шение большинства, но все же сделает личные выводы и, по всей вероятности, от-кажется от поста руководи-теля партии МАПАМ.
Сегодня предстоят на съез-де выборы нового, секрета-риата движения.
Несмотря на принятое ре-шение о сохранении союза е партией Авода в рамках Маараха вопрос о расколе все же остается открытым, так как многие активисты МАПАМ считают, что пар-тия утратила свое влияние и политическую силу из-за этого союза.
Лидер партии Авода Ш. Перес выразил удовлетворе-ние принятым решением и заявил, что в настоящее время усиливается влияние Маараха в стране.
В это же время лидеры ШЕЛИ не довольны этим решением и считают, что МАПАМ вскоре утратит по-лностью свою силу и влия-ние.
Депутат Кнесета Иоси Са-рид (Маарах) также выра-зил сожаление в связи с ре-шением, принятым на съез-де партии МАПАМ. Иоси Сарид заявил, что война в Ливане показала, насколь-ко разнятся позиции партии Авода и МАПАМ по мно-гим важным вопросам, Он призывает к единству всех левых сил.
Следует отметить, то пре-старелый активист МАПАМ Яаков Хазан выступил с взволнованной речью на съезде и заявил, что не до-пустим раскол Маараха в
ТЕЛВ-АВИВ (ИТИМ). Лишь незначительным пе-ревесом: голосов 17 делега-тов съезда было принято ре-шение о том, что партия МАПАМ остается в союзе с партией Авода в составе Ма-араха.
Вчера вечером проходило на съезде движения МА-ПАМ голосование но этому вопросу, который был наи-более важным на повестке дня.
515 делегатов съезда про-голосовали за сохранение единства Маараха, 498 вые-тупили против.
Группу сторонников един-ства Маараха возглавляли Меир Яари и Яаков Хазан. Руководитель партии МА-ПАМ Виктор Шемтов и весь
26 יוני 1984
Виктор Шемтов откажется от поста руководителя партии МАПАМ ★ Группу сторонников единства Маараха возглавлял Ваш Хазан
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
26 יוני 1983
Wise decision
REASON prevailed at the Марат convention yesterday as a narrow .majority of the ever 1,000 delegates averted the breaking up of the present Alignment with the Labour Party. The left-wing socialist party’s veteran leaders and founders, octogenarians Meir Ya’ari and Ya’acov Hazan, still carried the day over a formidable opposition, comprising the four party secretaries and five out of Mapam’s seven Knesset Members.
One can assume that the fervent appeal by Labour Party Chairman Shimon Peres at the convention’s opening session on Thursday not to disband the Alignment, at a time when tremendous challenges face the labour movement, had an im-portant impact on some of the still wavering delegates. He pointed out, rightly so, that the ideological differences that divide Марат and the Labour Party are dwarfed by the real differences of opinions in Israel’s great national debate. Mr. Peres argued that it would be a fatal mistake, if not a tragic oc-currence, if Марат chose this moment — when the Align-ment is recovering and improving its political fortunes — to split.
Nothing could better illustrate Israel’s much changed political scene than the fact that Mapam’s elder statesmen found support in the arguments of Mr. Peres who not so many years ago was considered something of an anathema by the left-wing Марат.
In fact, at the time, in the late Sixties, Mapam’s main raison d’etre for forming an Alignment with the newly re-united Labour Party was to prevent the hawkish leader of Labour’s former Rafi wing, the late Moshe Dayan, from reaching the top position of prime minister. And Mr. Peres was the second prominent former Rafi leader within the Labour Party as the late David Ben-Gurion refused to rejoin the united party.
Something of the traditional Марат notion as a self-appointed guardian who has to keep the Labour Party from moving too far to the right still remains to this day. One of Mr. Hazan’s arguments at the convention in favour of maintaining the Alignment was indeed that without Марат the Labour Party might again revive the idea of forming a national unity government with the Likud - a move which the Labour leadership had seriously considered three months before the war in Lebanon started last year.
But the main argument of Mr. Hazan and of those who sup-ported his view in favour of keeping the alignment with the Labour Party was that in an election campaign which both parties would fight separately they would vie for the same votes, with the Likud reaping the benefits.
The argument favouring a much looser alliance with the Labour Party, meaning probably two separate Knesset fac-tions, which was voiced by Марат Secretary-General Victor Shemtov, who headed those calling for the breaking up of the present Alignment structure, undoubtedly helped increase the strength of Mapam’s anti-Alignment camp. For even those in Марат who are disenchanted with the present state of af-fairs of the Alignment do realize that one must keep closer contact with Mapam’s natural political partners.
But the notion of a two-pronged labour camp which would contest the next elections does not seem to fit Israel’s present political reality. The argument that in the past — in the fifties and mid-sixties — the combined strength of two or even three labour parties commanded an absolute majority in the Knesset certainly no longer applies. For even then this numerical strength was never translated into joint political power, as the bitter infighting between the competing labour parties during an election campaign made the forming of a coalition between them impossible.
Moreover, today’s political reality calls for a tremendous, joint effort by all the more moderate and reasonable political forces to assert themselves in Israel’s great national debate. At a time when the Likud is seeking to merge its component par-ties, the Labour camp must remain a strong, united force.
The basic issues facing the nation go way beyond the confines of present party frameworks and must be tackled by a political alliance which will have at its centre the Labour Alignment, a truely Liberal centre party and possibly also a moderate, progressive religious grouping. Rather than narrowing the issues and sharpening the differences, such an alliance would have to seek broad agreement on fundamental points. Марат took a wise decision and showed political maturity by keeping the Alignment alive.
THE JERUSALEM
POST
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
ISRAEL NACHRICHTEA Tel Aviv
Мараm verbleibt im Maarach -Schemtow ledt sein Amt nieder
für dem Maaraoh eintrat, gab sei-ner Besorgnis über die Lage in. der MAiPAM Ausdruck. RAM COHEN (Scheli) und MATTI PELED (Scheli Alternative) aus-serten sich enttauscht Über d. Ab-stimmung: "Ein Schlag gegen die Errichtung einer linksradikalen zionistiscben Front" JOSSI SA-RID gab ebenfalls seiner Ent-tâuschung Ausdruck.
Der Bescbluss wurde mît 17 Stimmen Mehrheit angenommen. 515 Delegierte sprachen sich für den Antrag von Meir Jaari ur.'d Taakow Chasan aus, im Maarach zu verbleiben.
sich die Tagung gegen Auflosung des Maaraoh aus.
Mapam-Sekretar Viktor Schem-tow fügte sich dem Beschluss, sagte jedoch, er konne nicht wei-teramtieren. Taakow Chasan. der
(AYe) — Die MAPAM-Ta-gung hielt eine Abstimmurtg zur Frage ab, ab Марат aus dem Maarach austreten und selbstan-dig zu Wahlen schreiten soli. Mit knapper Stimmenmehrheit sprach
26 יוני 1983
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
JOURNAL D'ISRAEL Te1 Aviv
27 יוני 1983
LE BLOC TRAVAILLISTE MAP AN NE SERA PAS DISSOUT
declare inquiet au sujet du fonctionnement des
instances du Марат a l'a-venir.
Au sein de la gauche, c’est la deception a la suite de la decision prise par le congres du Марат. Deux personnalitds du Chelli, MM. Ram Cohen et Matti Peled, ont declare qu’ils sont ddqus par le vote du congres du Ma-pam.
Ils esperaient qu’une rupture du Maarakh per-mettrait au Марат de con-tracter une nouvelle allian-ce avec les partis de la gauche afin d’etablir une liste commune pour les prochaines elections.
Le ddputd Yossi Sa-rid, du najti travailliste a dit qu’il est egalement dequ par ce vote. II ddsi-rait se joindre a une liste de gauche dans le cas d’une rupture du Maarakh.
L’alliance travailliste-Марат ne sera pas dissou-te, du moins pour Fins-tant. En effet, le congres du Марат a rejetd une proposition sur la dissolu-tion du Maarakh et la for-mation d’une liste parle-mentaire separee.
Par 515 voix contre 498, le congres du Ma-pam a repousse cette pro-position, les chefs histo-riques du Марат, MM. Meir Yaari et Yaacov Ha-zan, ont pris posffion''en faveur du maintien du Ma-arakh, alors que M. Victor Chemtov, secretaire gene-ral du parti, qui s’etait ргопопсё contre Falliance travailliste-Mapam, a an-nonce son intention de de-missionne de son poste.
Cependant, il a dd-clard qu’il n’y aurait de scis sion au sein du Марат malgre ce vote. Quant a M. Yaacov Hazan, il s’est
רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
LA CONVENTION DU МАРАМ A TEL AVIV
La 9eme convention du Parti Марат a ete ouverte a Tel Aviv avec un point d’interrogation.
Марат va-t-il se sepa-rer du Parti Travailliste et aller tout seul aux pro-chaines elections?
Deux groupes se sont formes, dont Fun решМ par Mei'r Yaari et Yaacpv Наш. ~----־־
27 ספטמבר 1983
27 יוני 1983
JOURNAL D'ISRAEL Tel Aviv
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. lemhelven es nem sz0
em"aid"Jde"|" -'""! d"aKgt .
•־«~1 «*" k"!S1W' a b
Ixninden nap orvos;
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Aviv
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
forces will band together without them and "steal" Mapam’s constituency.
Among those most frequently men-tioned as possible partners in a new left-wing party, together with an independent Марат, are Labor Knesset Member Yossi Sarid and Knesset Member Shulamit Aloni, who heads the Citizens’ Rights Movement faction, presently associated with the Alignment; the "77 Club", a left-wing grouping in the Ma’arach head-ed by Hebrew University Professor Zev Sternhahl; Ron Cohen’s faction of the dismembered Sheli Party; and some Peace Now activists. Aloni would be an asset to the party, but many Марат members fear Sarid’s lack of discipline will set a bad example within the party. Neither Cohen nor Sternhahl and their followers would be, it is believed, real political assets.
Whatever gains going it alone would bring to the party, a decision along these lines may well have disastrous conse-quences for the kibbutz movement, a good part of which is aligned with Марат. Many Mapam-affiliated kibbutzim of the Artzi movement fear that economic and social ties with neighboring kibbutzim who support Mapai would be strained to the breaking point by the proposed party break-up. There is also apprehension that political and ideological splits would develop within individual kibbutzim over the Mapam-Mapai division. These dangers notwithstanding, many newer Artzi kib-butzim, located in the Negev, favor an independent Марат, while most veteran northern collective settlements from the same movement would like to see a con-tinuation of the Alignment.
Most analysts agree that the conven-tion will be evenly divided between pro-and anti- Alignment elements and that predictions are too risky at this time. One thing is sure: if the convention delegates decide to go independent, they will be opening a political pandora’s box and the results of such a choice could be truly far-reaching.
Aaron Leioel
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
NEWSVIEW Jerusalem
Will the Labor Alignment Break Up ?
continuation of the Alignment. The other, which counts among its supporters the four party secretaries and five Марат Knesset members, favors a "covenant" between the coalition partners, but with both parties enjoying complete inde-pendence in the Knesset, in the Histadrut and in the municipalities. This latter ap-proach means that Mapai and Марат would run as two separate parties in elec-tions, giving the Labor movement "two heads", as the proposal is being termed, and in effect, doing away with the Align-ment.
Opening A Political Pandora's Box
The main argument against dissolu-tion of the partnership is that the two separate parties would spend the next campaign vying for the same voters, and in the ensuing battle, would ignore what the parties see as the common enemy — the ruling Likud Party. One of the staunch supporters of the status quo, Ha-zan also expressed the fear that an in-dependent Марат would tend to move further to the left in its positions on various issues and thus might alienate many voters. Most important, Align-ment supporters tend to philosophic-ally oppose a split in the Israeli Labor movement.
Those who support an independent Марат are convinced that their party would profit electorally from such a move, with secret polls reportedly show-ing solo Марат getting eight to 10 seats in the next elections, compared to its present seven; and, in combination with other left-wing Zionist groups, increasing its strength to as many as 13 seats (its Labor partner holds 43 seats today). Many Mapamniks are afraid that if they don’t go independent, other left-wing
Some 900 delegates attending this week’s ninth Марат (United Workers Party) convention — the first since 1969 — will be facing a major issue: whether to continue the party’s 15-year-old alliance with Mapai (Israel Labor Party) and thus preserve the major opposition bloc, the Labor Alignment. The delegates’ decision on the matter will not only decide the fate of the Israeli opposition, but could have serious repercussions on the entire political system as well.
The union between these two parties has not been a happy one for the left-leaning Марат Party, which had to swal-low the more pragmatic socialism of its larger and more powerful coalition part-ner.
But during the past two and a half years differences of opinion have come out into the open on three major issues: Марат defied party discipline and voted against the Jerusalem Law, which re-proclaimed Jerusalem the capital of Is-rael; voted against the Golan Law, which absorbed the Golan Heights into Israel proper; and, most important, voted against the Lebanese War, even in its limited 40-kilometer scope as presented by the government to the Knesset at the beginning of the war. This last issue, which is very divisive in Israel at the pres-ent time, may prove to be the real cata-lyst in dissolving the Alignment.
Марат delegates will be faced with five separate resolutions on future rela-tions with their coalition partner, but analysts believe that only two will even-tually come to a vote. One, supported by veteran Марат leaders Ya’acov Ha-zan, Meir Yairi, and Meir Talmi, and by only two of the party’s seven Knesset members — Imre Ron and Naftali Feder as well as Марат functionaries in the Histadrut labor federation, calls for the
7
NEWSVIEW JUNE 28,1983
28 יוני 1983
МАРАМ ON THE THRESHOLD:
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רחוב הנביאים 23
ת.ד. 724 ירושלים טלפון 02-227513
30 יוני 1983
postularon abiertamente la ruptu-ra con Avoda.
A este liderazgo "circunstan-cial" hizo frente el denominado "liderazgo historico" del movi-miento, representado en la figura de "suspadres fundadores",Iaacov Jazan у Meir Iaari, para quienes el paso~del tiempoba significado mu-chas cosas, excepto —por lo visto— la perdida de influencia.
Mientras Shemtov declaraba al termino de la Convention que el asurm'a toda la responsabilidad por la derrota, anunciando que no pre-sentaria su candidatura para una nueva cadencia al frente del Ejecu-tivo, sus companeros de desgracia en la cupula dirigente prefirieron guardar silencio. No asi losganado-res, que olvidandose de la aristo-cratica у elegante posibilidad de "ser magnanimos en la victoria", ya piden a gritos la cabeza de 10s derrotados.
En Марат habran muchas eje-cuciones en las proximas semanas.
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רחוב; הנביאים 23 ת.ד. 724 ירושלים
טלפון 3 02-22751
Марат sigue en el Alineamiento
Nuevamente la convencion de Марат decidio continuar en el Alineamiento aunque esta vez los que buscan romper el acuerdo estuvieron mas cerca de lo-grarlo уa que laresolucion se adopto por 515 votos contra 498.La votacion sig-nifico derrota para los cuatro secreta-rios del partido ,Victor Shemtov, Jaika Grossman, Gad Iatziv у Biniamin Iasur, que presentaron la mocion de la actual forma de frente con el partido laborista por un acuerdo mucho mas laxo que in-cluia la constitucion de bloques separa-dos en el parlamento.
La posicion de mantener el statu quo fue defendida por los dirigentes histori-cos de Марат, Meir Iaari, у Iacov Jazan, у la resolucionfue saludada con benepla-cito por el presidente del Partido Labo-rista Shimon Peres. En cambio, el di-putado у vocero paloma Iosi Sarid ex-preso su "desaliento" subrayando que en la presente situacion del Alineamien-to hubiera sido mas conveniente para el Марат el recuperar su autonomia.Ran Cohen, dirigente de una de las dos fac-ciones en que se dividio Sheli, tambien formulo similares declaraciones debien-do tenerse en cuenta que su tendencia esperaba la salida del Марат del Alinea-miento para impulsar la posibilidad de formar un frente socialista sionista.
SEMANA, 30 de junio de 1983
SEMANA (Tel Aviv)
30 יוני 1983
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
30 יוני 1983
A PESAR DE SU AFIRMACION DE FE SOCIALISTА
Марат resolvio continuar en MaaraJ
vim у 116 miembros del secretariado saliente.
El resultado de la vota-cion signified una derrota para los cuatro secretaries del partido -Victor Shem-Tov, Jaika Grosman, Gad Iatziv у Benjamin Iasur-quienes habian promovido una resolucion tendiente a reemplazar el actual Ali-neamiento por una alianza mucho menos estrecha, es decir fracciones separadas de Марат у Avoda en la Kneset.
La Asamblea fue unani-me en declarar que "el so-cialismo es la alternative al capitalismo у a los regime-nes totalitarios". Марат condeno la invasion sovie-tica de Afganistan у otras resoluciones instan por la prohibicion de las armas atomicas en Medio Orien-te, instando al gobierno para que manifieste que no las introducira.
Respecto de America Latina la asamblea conde-no la intervencion de las superpotencias en el conti-nente. "La abierta inter-ferencia de EE.UU. contra los regimenes que no le obedecen dificulta las so-luciones politicas". Israel no debe vender armas a los estados totalitarios. Se
■־ЯГЛ P'ar"^pq’
-ЭЛ,, soj эр олэоол ид •ouis о.шйш8 oiaq so^otpa A оиэллэ{ ueueg anb 'sap[0q -ал so{ в uojBscd as {Bjeay
a זמס מזזזרזמרזפס רז тт л С нлтл
Iaacov Jazan
Victor Shem-Tov
Avoda. Por su parte esta podria absorber un nume-ro de liberales indecisos.
El anciano dirigente la-acov Jazan dijo, por su parte, que la principal mi-sion de Марат dentro del
opuB{qeq 'osajd* " э а{ 'дэривцв! paujfy 'eu ! эр o^uaimiaa.TBjosg ap ;siuiui ja anb ofip (jag dg лад,, uBUtajB oijbubui 13 זd TBSuodsarjoa ил
TEL AVIV (SERV. AU-RORA).- La convencion nacional del Partido Ma-pam se clausuro sin poner fin al Alineamiento con el Laborismo aunque poco falto para ello. La votacion, en efecto, fue de 515 para seguir en el Maaraj у 498 para la separacion. Dife-rencia: 17.
El secretario general del partido, Victor Shem-Tov, senalo que la disolucion del Alineamiento era "una cuestion politica, de con-ciencia у estrategia". La tarea principal de los socia-listas consiste hoy en de-rrocar el gobierno de Be-guin. Fue "repelente" la decision del Laborismo de ap yar la invasion del Li-bano. "Queremos ser alia-dos de Avoda pero sola-mente dentro de un am-plio frente de partidos con orientacion izquierdista".
Opino que si Марат va por su propio camino, tie-ne una chance de lograr el apoyo de mucha gente, que se siente incomoda en
AURORA Tel Aviv
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רחוב הנביאים 23 ת.ד. 724 ירושלים טלפון 3 02-22751
30 יוני 1983
. . , que Марат, a pesar de la hegemoma de su "direccion historica"personificada en sus veteranos ideolo-gos laacov Jazdn у Meir laari, es aun considerado en Europe сото un partido de izquierda. Dos delegacio-nes llamaron la atencion en la convencion: las de los partidos comunistas de Italia у de Rumania. . .
SEMANA, 30 de junio de 1983
6
SEMANA (Tel Aviv)
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רח' המעלות 6, ירושלים ת. ד. 724 טלפון 228553
ISRAELSKl PAR (Tel Aviv)
КОЛЕБАНИЯ В ЛАГЕРА НА РАБОТНИЧЕСКОТО ДВИЖЕНИЕ
ВОДАЧИТЕ НА М АПАМ: ЯАКОВ ХАЗАН, МЕИР ЯАРИ, МЕИР ТАЛМИ И ГЕН. СЕКРЕТ АР ВИКТОР ШЕМТОВ
щем пред всички прог ресивни сили в страна-та. Тази цел е свалянето властта на Никуда, от-страняването от държа вното ръководство. За поститането на тая цел, работаическото движе ние трябва да се яви като мощна и единна сила. Разпадането на ла гера на работническото движение ще засили дес ният лагер с всички не гови недостатъци.
В протежение н а много години работай-ческото движение създа де лагер, който се раз растна и укрепи. Лаге рът, в който заедно действуваха Партията на труда и Мапам, Неза висимите либерали и организации!«, борещи се за мир и прогрес, ус-пяха да сплотят сила, способна да управлява държавата. Разпадането на тези рамки не само ще засили Ликуда, ще удължи неговата власт и ще отдалечи работай ческото движение, всич ки негови съставни час ти, от ръководството. Поради това всяка една от партии те, принадле-жаща към лагера на ра ботнйческото движение трябва да. запази един ството, понеже това са мо увеличава силата на работническото движе-ние и му помага да спечели симпатии те на обществен ото мнение.
Гид он ШВАЙЦЕР
ското движение, или всяко едно от тези дви жения трябва да поеме отделен път, стремейки се да запази своята спе цифика? Да се сьздадат ли нови рамки на сът рудничество във форма на фронт на си лите, бли зки до работническото движение или да се слеят всички сили в единно движение?
Отговор на тези въ проси дава общата цел конто стой понастоя-
Конгресът на МА-ПАМ даде на всички дейци на работническо то движение в Израел отлична възможност да направят равносметка и да извлечат поуки от направеното от тях през всичките години на обществена и полити ческа дейност.
Кой е главният про блем? Да се запази ли Маараха, обединяващ два потока в работниче
30 יוני 1983
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רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
JEWISH CHRONICLE London, England
Link maintained
Yaari and Mr Yaacov Hazan, argued in favour of retaining the alliance, and eventually it was their view which won the day.
Each side pleaded that its way was more likely to attain the main aim of the Labour movement — a quick end to Likud rule.
Mr Shimon Peres, the leader of the Labour Party, and other prominent party members, praised Mapam’s "wise decision."
Opponents of the alignment had been counting on a break-up, which would lead to the formation of a broad coalition of all forces to the Left of Labour, including some Labour "doves" who might be induced to join, to campaign on a more determined peace platform, contributing to resolving the Palestinian problem.
Mr Shemtov, Mapam’s secretary-general, has indicated that he will relinquish his position because his proposals were rejected.
From our Correspondent Jerusalem
The majority of the Марат Party leadership expressed dismay at the weekend, when the party convention in Tel Aviv voted by a narrow majority to retain its firm political link with the Israel Labour Party by continuing in alignment with it in the Knesset. A total of 515 delegates voted in favour of maintaining the link, and 498 against.
All four party secretaries: Mr Victor Shemtov, Mrs Haika Grossmann, Mr Gadi Yatziv and Mr Benyamin Yasur, supported a resolution calling for a separate Knesset faction.
This would probably have meant that the two parties would contest the next general election on separate programmes.
However, two octogenarian elder statesmen among the founders of the Left-wing Марат Party, Mr Meir
1 יולי 1983
NOWINY KURIER Tel Aviv
Марат przed ciezkimi dniami
-niu wyraz temu. ze stanowi.in־ tegralna czçsc Maarachu.
I jeszcze jedno niebezpieczen-stwo grozi Mapamowi. I râwniez tego niebez-pieczenstwa nie nale-zy ignorowac. Fakt, ze Марат postanowü nie rozwi^zywai Maa -rachu, utrudnia со prawda sy-tuacje deputowanych Szuiamit Aloni i Josi Sarida, lecz kto zna dobrze ich oboje wie, ze nie za-pobiegnie to odchyleniom tej dwojki i jej sympatykow w par-tii. Pozostanie Mapamu w Maa-rachu pozbawia со prawda Szu-lamit Aloni i Josi Sarida szero-kich plecow. aparatu, zasobôw i infrastruktury w terenie, ktore stalyby do ich dyspozycji, gdyby Марат wyszedl z Maarachu i utworzyl wraz z nimi nowy front lewicowy, lecz opcje rozstania siç z Maarachem i prôba ziszcze-nia w przyszlych wyborach po-tenejalu lewicy — nadal stojç przed nimi otworem. Nie ulega wgtpliwoSci, ze na Sz-ulamit Alo-ni i Josi Sarida. czeka na zew-natrz kilka mandatow, jesli po-stanowia rozstac siç z Maara-chem. W takiej sytuacji Марат stanie w obliczu zagrozenia, ze conajmniej czçsc jego. wyborcow, utozsamiaj^cych siç z mniejszos-cia, glosowac bçdzie nie na ma-cierzyst^. partiç. lecz na bardziej radykalne ugrupowanie, jesli ta-kie powstanie.
Przywodcy Mapamu — z obu obozôw — zadeklarowali na zam ־kniçciu zjazdu dtjzenie do jed-nosci. Na podstawie doswiadcze-nia z przesziosci i na tie wyni-kow glosowania — deklaracje nie sq zadnq. gwarancja. W rze-czywistosci — Марат czeka ciçz-ki okres.
JESZAJAHU BEN-PORAT
wiem przypadkiem, ze natyeh־ miast po glosowaniu, Wiktor Szem-T0w zawiaclomil, ze nie be-dzie ponownie kandydowal na stanowisko sekretarza partii. Tyl -ko — jesli przekonajg. go i jesli nie znajdzie siç inny odpowiedni kandydat sposrôd czionkow miej-skiej frakcji, ktorej stanowisko to siç nalezy — sa szanse, ze Wiktor Szem-Tow zostanie po-nownie wybrany i pogodzi siç z decyzjg partii. Jakby nie bylo, rak prowadzacy do powstania obozow, zagraza calosci Mapamu i bye moze bçdzie zzerai tç par-tiç od srodka.
Problem Mapamu w tym. ze ma prawdopodobnie о wiele wie-cej sympatykow, niz czionkow i wyborcow. О czym to swiadezy?
0 szczerym i giçbokim uznaniu, jakim wielu — nie tylko w Ru-chu Pracy, lecz rowniez poza nim — darzy Haszomer Hacair
1 Kibuc Haarci. a со za tym idzie ich polityezne ramy, czyli Ma-pam. Jest to uznanie dla ruchu, ktory wychowuje w duchu idea" low pionierskich i socjalistycz. nych, i nie ogranicza siç do wy. chowania, lecz realizuje te idea-ly w rzeezywistosci. Uparte daze, nie do celu. wiernosc idealom, fanatyzm w ich realizowaniu bu-dzily zawsze i btidzcj nadal po. dziw rowniez и ludzi, ktorych poglgdy i droga w zyciu dalekie s4 hardzo od idealow przyswie-cajcjcych Haszomer Hacair i Ki-bue Haarei. I jesli Meir Jaari i Jaakow Chazan steri siç osobîsto-ciamî cîëszq.cymi siç uznaniem jiszuwu, nawet wsrôd przedsta-wicieli pr^dow i ruchôw polity-cznych, negujaeyeh socjalistycz-no-marksistowski syjonizm, to dlatego, ze Jaari i Chazan sym-bolizuja dazenie do lepszego i bardziej wartosciowego swiata, ,,Rezerwat" — tak môwi^ i pi-sza о nich tu i tam z odrobin;] kpinÿ i wyzszosci. Lecz ezy re-zerwat nie jest lepszy od dzungli dzikusôw, w jakiej z./jemy?
Z zewn^trz, ze strony Partii Pracy grozi Mapamowi inné nie-bezpieczenstwo — zab, jakimi ulica Hajarkon (gdzie znajduje siç siedziba Partii Pracy) bçdzie prawdopodobnie karmic swycb partnerôw z iewego skrzydla. ,.Dyskutowaliscie, wahaliscie sie, trzymaliscie nas przez dlugie ty-godnie i miesi3.ee w szachu" — powie ulica Hajarkon i juz teraz sîychac takie giosy: "Teraz za־ padla decyzja, postanowiliscie zostaé w srodku. A wiec prosimy wyrôwnaé z ogclna linia Maara-chu i zaprzestac takich luksu. sow, jak nieustanna krytyka, zàstrzezenia, nieobeenose i wstrzy -mywanie siç od glosu w Kneset î poza parlamentem, ilekroc wy-godne to jest dla Mapamu". Praw -dç môwdcjc. trudno bçdzie zgla. szac pretensje do kierownietwa Partii Pracy, jesli zazada od Mapamu. powoluja.c siç na de-cÿzjç zjazdu, by dàwal w wiek-szym — niz w przeszlosci — stop
Так wiçe Марат cieszy siç ol-brzymim kredytem moralnym, jaki przyznano, calkowicie siusz-nie. Haszomer Hacair i Kjbuc Haarci. D0 ostatniego zjazdu rôwniez Марат, mimo ze stano-wi jedynie polityezne ramy i ja־ ko takie — czçsc Maarachu, mia. -la opiniç ugrupowania wierne. go sobie samemu bardziej niz in-ne ugrupowania polityezne. W naszym politycznym pejzazu tyl-ko Agudat Israel — na prawo i komunisci — na lewo. ubiegac siç moga о opiniç zamkniçtycb , ,kosciolôw", reprezentuj^cych
jednoznaczna idcologiç־ podobnie jak Марат.
Lecz na ostatnkn zjezdzie Ma-pam utracila cos ze swej jedno-znaeznoâci. Zjazd obnazyl glçbo-ki rozlam wewnatrz Mapamu. Po zjezdzie, Марат nie bçdzie juz tym, czym byla i tylko slepi то-tego nie zauwazyc. Od tego momenta Mapamowi grozi rak, z ktôrego Partia Pracy nie moze wyleczyc sie juz od 20 lat: rak podzialu na dwa "obozy" — wiçkszoM î mniejszosei, choro-ba, ktora ugodziïa w odpornosc Mapaju w dniach ,,sprawy La־ wona", gdy 60 procent poszjo za Eszkolem i tylko 40 procent za Ben.Gurionem; choroba, ktora dzis kryje siç za istnieniem obo-zow Peresa i Rabîna.
Od tego momentu grozi wiec niebezpieczenstwo. ze Марат pojdzie drugq Partii Pracy i u-formuje swe instancje zgodnie z wynikami glosowania nad roz. wi^zaniem Maarachu i bçdzie do-kladnie odmierzac stosunek sil miçdzy minimaln^ wiçkszoscig. a silna mniejszosciq. Zgodnie z tym kluczem wybrani zostana, praw-dopodobnie, sekretarze partii —y dwaj sposrôd zwole.nnikôw roz-, wigzania Maarachu i dwaj spe" srôd przeciwnikôw. Nie jest bÿ
3 יולי 1983
Иное дело — быть в оппозиции. Тут идти на компромиссы рискован-но. Партия в оппозиции обязана все время напоминать о том, что она собой представляет.
Девятый съезд Мапам собрался в момент, когда победа рабочих пар-тий на будущих парламентских вы-борах представляется достаточно со-мнительной. Вполне возможно, что Мапам предстоят еще годы пребыва-ния в оппозиции.
Год назад, когда на третий день ливанской войны Кнесет обсуждал вотум недоверия, внесенный компар-тией, члены Кнесета от Мапам воз-держались при голосовании, тогда как почти все (кроме Йоси Сарида) представители партии Труда поддер-жали правительство. Голосование это было столь важным, что его одного было достаточно, чтобы ликвидиро-вать союз Мапам и партии Труда. Однако сегодня влиятельнейший из лидеров Мапам, 85-летний Яаков Хазан, считает, что нынешняя общая позиция по вопросу о войне в Ливане значит больше, чем разногласия то-гда, в июне 1982 года.
Яаков Хазан, который сохранил поразительную в его возрасте энер-гию и ясность мысли, убежден, что прекращение союза между двумя партиями будет означать "братоубий-ственную войну" на следующих вы-борах.
— Я неизбежно буду вынужден доказывать избирателям, — говорит он, — что Мапам лучше, а партия Тру-да хуже. Мы припомним тогда все ошибки и просчеты наших партий в прошлом. Наши политические про-тивники будут только радоваться.
Яаков Хазан считает, что в таком шаге, как разрыв, есть логика, кото-рая не может не иметь продолжения. В Мапам произойдет сдвиг влево, партия Труда станет более правой. Спор между партиями обострится.
Яаков Хазан верит, что именно союз с Мапам не позволяет партии Труда вступить в коалицию с блоком Ликуд, что означало бы, по его ело-вам, катастрофу и гибель сионист-ского социалистического движения в Израиле.
Итак, на девятом съезде Мапам доводы Яакова Хазана убедили боль-шинство, но большинство незначи-тельное. Теперь партии Мапам пред-стоит преодолеть угрозу раскола в своих собственных рядах.
Иосиф ЛИЩИНСКИЙ
Вопрос о том, следует ли Объеди-ненной рабочей партии (Мапам) оста-ваться в блоке с партией Труда, деба-тируется так давно, что уже превра-тился в тему для анекдотов и эстрад-ных скетчей. Вместе или порознь должны идти на выборы две основ-ные рабочие партии Израиля — боль-шая партия Труда и меньшая по вли-янию, но более радикальная и левая по программе Мапам?
Девятый съезд партии Мапам вы-сказался за сохранение блока Маа-рах, но незначительным и ненадеж-ным большинством: 515 голосов против 498. Иначе говоря, силы сто-ронников союза и его отмены почти равны. За сохранение блока Маарах выступали старые лидеры партии Me-ир Яари, Яаков Хазан, Меир Тальми, тогда как за большую независимость партии Мапам высказалось более мо-лодое руководство во главе с гене-ральным секретарем партии Викто ром Шем-Товом.
До выборов 1977 года, когда Маарах был у власти, вопрос о раз-рыве носил скорее академический, чем практический характер. Разуме-ется, две отдельные фракции могли бы входить в правительство и на ос-нове коалиционного соглашения — особой разницы не было бы.
Тогда — в составе правительства — Мапам отказалась от части своих пар-тийных требований ради возможное-ти осуществлять общие с партией Труда принципы. Такова обычная ситуация в случах, когда несколько партий составляют правительствен-ную коалицию.
Более всего Мапам заботилась о том, чтобы во главе блока Маарах (а значит, и правительства) стоял политик, убежденный, что Израиль должен пойти на серьезные террито-риальные уступки при заключении мира с арабами.
После съезда.
ИЗРАИЛЬ СЕГОДНЯ № 13 (99)
СОХРАНИТСЯ ЛИ БЛОК МААРАХ?
ISRAEL sevowia
Jerusalem
Nо. 13 1983
רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ד 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
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"... as a result of the lack of clarity within Labor, the Alignment has failed to fulfill the role it had carved out for itself..."
within Labor, the Alignment has failed to fulfill the role it had carved out for itself when it was formed in the late 1960s.
At the Марат Congress, Ya’akov Hazan was a most vociferous proponent of maintaining the Alignment. His argument that Марат could pre-vent the Labor party from joining Likud in a "National Unity Government" is instructive.
This proposal shifts the object of Марат’s atten-tion from the working Israeli to the Labor party decision-maker, and in effect transforms Марат into a faction within Labor itself. Contrast that with the "alliance" position, which sees the Isra-eli public, especially "working Israel," as the proper audience of Марат, which is, after all, an acronym for the United Workers’ Party. This party must be both a reflection of and a leader in the creation of public opinion on the crucial issues facing Israel, not only in terms of interna-tional affairs, but also national defense, eco-nomic and social policies.
Марат has indeed sent a message to Labor: despite the support given the "alliance" proposal by all four Secretaries of the party, both Secre-taries of the Kibbutz Artzi Federation and five of the seven party members of Knesset, we will not leave the Alignment. You can even vote in sup-port of the War in Lebanon, and we will not leave the Alignment.
Although the Ninth Марат Congress had been postponed a year due to the war in Lebanon, the event took place at a time when a decision was called for — and a decision was made. To be sure, Марат as a party would have great diffi-culties running independently, especially after fifteen years in bed with Labor. The reestablishment of an independent identity within the Israeli body-politic is a central task facing Марат. The party would have to "go into the desert. "
The party is not yet ready to take that path. О
— M.G. A.L.
September/October 1983 7
ת"ך "'"'
רושלים£007?_
JSRAEL HORIZONS
(N.Y. U.S.A)
אוק' 1983
lateral application of Israeli civil law to the Golan Heights — the so-called Golan Heights law. Labor’s support for the Likud during the no-confidence vote over the Lebanon War is per-haps the most glaring example of the real break-down of Alignment policy formulation. In all of these cases, Марат and Labor went off in dif-ferent directions. The "alliance" proposal would have simply formalized the existing reality — and it would open the door to new possibilities.
Why should Марат open the door to new possibilities? Why should Марат clear the way for running independently in the next Knesset election? Historically, there has been a "space" between Labor — formerly Mapai, currently Avodah — and the non-Zionist Left — formerly Maki, currently Rakah. This "space," that of a socialist Zionist perspective, is historically that of Марат. Not a new thesis, this was originally posited by the venerable Ya’alçgv Hazan himself in a classic conflict between Марат and Ahdut Avodah. It is equally true today. Unfortunely, within the framework of the Alignment, Марат occupies the space but is unable to fulfill its role. The Alignment is the most significant par-liamentary opposition, yet it is clear that this massive body has failed to convince, to organize and mobilize, to be the expression of the opposi-tion to the policies of the present Administration. Political opposition is now being expressed by non-parliamentary groups, most notably Shalom Achshav (Peace Now), and their success and growth is an indication of the failure of the par-liamentary opposition. This is not only a danger to the parliamentary parties, but points to weak-nesses developing within Israeli democracy itself, which must perforce be of concern to the democratic Left within Israel.
Why has this happened? A lack of resources? No, for the Labor party has a phenomenal amount of human and physical resources availa-ble, certainly more than the Likud. Rather, it is ideological poverty, or, if you will, a poverty of clear ideological analysis and prescription. Labor is currently a supermarket of ideas, and as a result, puts forth a lukewarm policy and "prag-matic programs" which are an excuse for ideo-logical positions. The Labor party, due to its size relative to that of Марат, overwhelms the Alignment, and as a result of the lack of clarity
— M.K. A.L.
Clearing the Air: An Analysis of the Congress Decision
Labor to joint formulation of parliamentary pol-icy. However, the reality has been that for the past few years there has been little joint formula-tion of policy, and, in fact, on major issues within the Knesset, particularly issues of war and peace, Марат and Labor part ways and vote in a contrary manner. Labor’s support of déclara-tion by the Likud Administration that Jerusalem was and would be the eternal undivided capital of Israel — the so-called Jerusalem law — is only one example. Another one is the decision of Labor to support the Likud Administration’s uni-
The Ninth National Congress of Марат dealt with one issue — the future of Мараm’s rela-tionship to Labor within the framework of the opposition Alignment. Examination of Мараm’s role in the Alignment — and the Alignment’s role in Israeli politics today — is essential to understand the implications of the vote taken in Tel Aviv this past June.
The idea behind the "alliance" proposal was simple: to formalize the real relationship that exists between Марат and Labor. Formally, the Alignment agreement commits Марат and
6 Israel Horizons
eiwko rzdowi mniejszosci z po-pareiem Mijarj’ego", Uzi Baram: "Wspolny Front czyni wysilki, prowadzl rozmowy z kazdym z kim moins, ale powinniscie wie-dzieé, ie cens jakg, zaplacimy Li-kudowi, nie jest wyisza od tej, jaka zaptaeimy religijnym w wy-padku rzadu waskiego".
קטעי עתונות
NOWINY KURIER Tel Aviv
28 אוג' 1984
Poglebiaja sie rôznice zdan Марат - Partia Pracy
Proponujç utworzyé rzad jedno-sci narodowej. Naleiy jednak zd.awaé sobie sprawç, ze w takim rzadzie nie moins osiagac wszy-stkiego со siç chçe i trzeba po-swjçeié tekî ministenalne oraz stanowiska, ale jest to koniecz" nqlô dnia",
Mosze Szachal: "Jestern prze-
rzadem a rzadem jednosci. to wolç ten drugi, nawet jeieli za-istnieje mozliwosc zestawienia rzqdu malego, to ja proponujç stworzenie rzdu szerokiej koali-cji z Likudem. Czekaja nas tru-dne dni, stoimy przed spolecznym i gospodarczym kryzysem i na-stapia niepokoje w osadnictwie.
TEL AWIW. Coraz wiçkszy rozdzwiçk nastçpuje miçdzy Par-tia Pracy a Mapamem na tie mozliwosci ustanowienia rzadu jednosci narodowej. 31 godziny trwalo burzliwe posiedzenie, na ktôrym przywôdcy Mapamu wy-stqpili z zarzutami wobec przy-wôdcow Parti! Pracy. stwierdza-jac: "Przyiaczyliscie ruch Jachad, aby pozbyc siç Mapamu, ktorv staje im na drodze do rz^du jednosci narodowej".
Pod koniec posiedzenia kie-rownictwo Mapamu postanowilo jednak pozostawic Sz. Peresowi pelnomocnictwa dla prob utwo-rzenia rzadu; jeieli jednak po-wstanie rzad jednosci, Марат nie wezmie w nim udzialu. Dzi-siaj odbçda siç narady central-nego komitetu Mapamu, celem ponownego rozpatrzenia proble-mu: czy naleiy rozwi^zac Wspôl ny Front?
Niektôrzy sposrôd czlonkôw Mapamu wyrazili opiniç, ze przy-wôdcy Partii Pracy sa zdecydo-wani utworzyé rzad jednosci na-rodowej i dlatego nie wykorzy-stall wszystkich mozliwosci w kie-runku utworzenia rzgdu wasko-koalicyjnego. Jaakow Chazan po-wiedziai do Peresa: "Czy podjç-liscie wszystkie wysilki dla utwo-rzenia malego rzadu? Jak bç-dziecie mogli zasiadaé w rzadzie razem z Likudem, ktory jest na-szym przeciwnikiem politycznym i przeciwko ktoremu walczylismy przez wszystkie lata? Jak to u-sprawiedliwicie?"
Eliezer Ronen: "Proponujç o-strzejsze sformulowanie: czy je-ste^cic gotowi do pelnej jedno-scî, czy tei po prostu chcecie TOzdzialu Wspôlnego Frontu?" Szymon Peres odpowiedzial na to: "Jëstesfri'y zà peint}' jedno-»cia''.
Eliezer Granot: "Czy umowa z Weizmanem zostaia zawarta po to, aby nas zastapil?" Odpo-wiedzi udzielil Mosze Szachal: ,,Umowa z Weizmanem ma je* dynie stanowic przeszkodç dla Likudu", a Icchak Nawon do-dal: "Jeieli konieezny jest wy-bor pomiçdzy wasko-koalicyjnym
"Racism" is an ugly word and a discomforting charge, one that Zionists must elude with ever increasing cleverness and convoluted argument. In this piece by Zvi Shilo'an racism becomes "Arab-Jewish asymmetry" where "it is simply natural that we act as in war." It is then only one short logical step from legitimising settler violence and population
CONFUSION IN NAZARETH
Those asking №. question are ignoring the basis of Jewish-Arab asym-metry, 'ike, for instance, in the matter of stone-throwing, Jews 'n lei Aviv and 1n every place of residence rie.et have tnrown stones at Arvos, even on days of severe tension. Every Ara' knows this. Howe־"'' Arabs did throw stones at Jewish buses during Mandate times aid they ha.e been continuing this into the period of the state of Israe .
Why? Because the Arabs have objected to the Zionist entity and nave not accepted, to tins day, the existence of the Jewish state in their region. And if there are some who have accepted it, they are rare and only those under our domination, or minorities in a siuiasr situation to our own. In the distant Mandate times, we knew this and didn’t give up the (right of) resicence for Jews in Safad, Tiberias, Haifa and Jerusalem. On tile contrary,we increased t le Yishuv (the name of the Zionist movement in Palestine) in these towns and wanted Jews also to live in Acre and Lydda. And we didn" let Arabs live in our Moshavoth (agricultural townships). And nobody appealed that.
Tiiere was no lew who didn’t aesire аnd expect the revlisatioi of Zion nn hi the utopian spirit of Herd. But the Arabs rejected, and are s ill rejecting, our return to Zion. Us Israeli-Arab " ar has not ended, and it’s doubtful it will stop in our generation. In addition to ,he settlement of the country, which is the essence of Zionism, we are forced also to hold strenghe'ds in this war because we don’, have, like the Arabs. 22 states in which to tound ourselves a national home. The division of the country hasn’t solved the question and won’t solve it. When we accepted, as an imperative, the tearing off of the eastern bank of the Jordan, mar ' people thought that with that division, the Araus would accept the return uf the Jews to the western part of the counuy. The Arabs didn’t accept it. They also didn’t agree to tile failing division in 1947, Since the struggle has not ended, it is simply natural that we act as 1 war: i.e. we fortify what we have and conque־ new strategic strongholds. |
If there comes a day — and it will come when we are much more establish-1 ed than we are now — when the Arabs I, accept the existence of the independent state of Israel, then the 5000 square , kilometres in (the West Bank) and the I Gaza (Strip) will not constitute a prob-10m, Then it will also be possible to plan
population trail fors, a matter some of the forefathers of Zionism and the Zionist Labour Movement dreamed about. (Translation: Yediot Aharanot, December 19, 19ЯЗ).
yes; in this generation — no!"
And in this connection there is apparently a logical question: indeed, while the Jews object to an Arab population In their towns, they, or anyway a part of them, claim (the right) to settle Hebron and Nablus. And then there is the question: what is this? Mine is mine and yours is mine? This question too is sealed with shallowness,
same building a family will lose a son in the war.
When, 20 years ago, a stormy dispute burst out in Kibbutz Ha'Artzi (the Mapan kibbutz organisation) about the marriage of a kibbutz daughter with an Arab, they went to Meir Ya’arl (the old leader of Марат) И ask for his opinion and he stated; "In principle —
סוכנות לקטעי עתונות

רחוב שמאי 8 ת"ך 724, טלפון 240242 ירושלים 91007
At,-FA.JR
Jerusalem
Many of the people of Upper h tzareth object to the entry of Arab .esidents into their town, which was established as a Hebrew town. When David Ben Gurion resigned the first time (and retired) to ode Bolter, he emphasis-ed projects for the next government which were wri'ten into 13 articles. The last one suggested establishing a new Hebrew town next to old Nazareth, in order to break Arab hegemony in the area north of Arab Nazareth, which could become a security problem. Prime Minister Moshe Sharett.. . agreed. De-fence Minister Pinhas Lavon started execution of the plan, which aimed at absorbing new immigrants according to population distribution theories that were then accepted by everybody.
The populating of Upper Nazareth had a pioneering aim, though a lot of the new residents went there for econom-ic reasons and to improve their housing conditions. However, it was always so. Not all the people of the first immigra-tion were filled with pioneering spirit, but they were a part of the pioneering enterprise.
Now, as the economic develop-ment of the state of Israel has brought tremendous improvement in the situa-tion of Nazareth Arabs, many of them wish to (leave) their old Arab town for the new Hebrew town. When Jewish inhvbitants object to this, they are accused of racism and are immediately asked what American Jews, for instance, would say if white Anglo Saxon Protes-tant inhabitants stopped them from moving into their areas — asking, and forgetting to indicate, that Jews, like others, left well-to-do quarters in droves when the first black families started to penetrate them. The Jews, as is well remembered, were counted among the most enthusiastic supporters of the black civil rights movement, and their leaders didn’t identify with the PLO like (black civil rights leader and candidate for the Democratic Party nomination for US president Rev. Jesse) Jackson.
Why? Because in life there is sometimes an essential contradiction between dry justice and the concrete conditions of the quality of life. Only hypocrites ignore the existence of this factor in the individual’s life. An intellec-tual woman may invite the Arab spokes-woman from the "Encounters" pro-gramme on the television to live in her flat, but if the whole of her apartment block was full of Arabs, it is doubtful whether she would wish to live in her fiat. We, anyway, shall not consider her as a racist but as one who also thinks about tiie possibility of terrorist activity or about any other tension that might 10י caused, for instance, when in the
11 ינואר 1984
סוכנות לקטעי עתונות

רחוב הנביאים 23 ת.ד. 724 ירושלים
טלפון 35102-227
ישראל שטימע
(ת"א)
11 ספט' 1984
שארפע קעגנערשאפט צו א רעגירונג פון נאציאנאלעד איינהייט
אויף דער פלענארער זיצונג פון צ.ק. מפ"ם, אין תל־אביב, געווידמעט דער אינפארמאציע און אויפקלערונג ארום די פארהאנדלונגען אויפצושטעלן א נייע רעגירונג, האבן אלע אנטייל־ נעמערס אינעם מיינונג־אויסטויש, ארויסגעברענגט זייער קאטעגארישע קעגנערשאפט צו א בשותפותדיקע רעגירונג פון ליכוד און מערך.
ח־יקטאר שם־טוג, גענ־סעקרעטאר פון מפ"ם, האט געזאגט צוו. אנד.: "דאס וועט זיין א מטורפדיקע רעגי־ רונג פון קעגנזייטיקער אנרייצונג, וואס אנטקעגן איר וועט די בעגין־ רעגירונג אויסזען ווי אן אידיליע. מיר וועלן נישט קענען זיצן אין א רעגירונג מיט אריק שרון, דעם אינטריגאנט און ארויסטראגער. מפ"ם וועט נישט צאלן דעם פאליטישן, אידעאלאגישן און היסטארישן פרית פאר אזא טמאה'די־ קע! שותפות. מ'קאן אויר דינען דעם פאלק, זייענדיק אין אפאזיציע. דער מערך דארף זיך אומקערן צו דער
מאכט, נאך א קלארער אנטשיידונג פונעם פאלק, וואט איז ליידער, ניט געשען אין די לעצטע וואלן.
רב פלג, סעקרעטאר פון קיבוץ ארצי: "דער מאנגל אין זעלבסט־ זיכערקייט את איצט כאראקטעריסטיש פאר די אינסטאנצן און אנפירונג פון "העבודה", ווייל זיי קענען נישט אנט־ קעגגשטעלן אן אלטערנאטיוון פראג־ ראם אויפן עקאנאמישן געביט".
ד"ר גדי יציג: "ס'איז נאך נישט פארלוירן געגאנגען די האפענונג פון א בצימצומדיקע רעגירונג — אין ערגס־ טן פאל את פאראן א דריטע אפציע: זיין אין אפאזיציע. א רעגירונג פון נאציאנאלער איינהייט מיינט — אי־ לוזיע פון כוח".
אימרי רון: "קעגנערשאפט צו אן איינהייט־רעגירונג מיינט נאך נישט
— דער סוף פונעם מערך".
יעקב חזו: "נישט מיר וועלן קענען שטיצן אזא רעגירונג און אוודאי נישט
— זיין אירע מיטשותפים. אלץ וואס מיר ריידן דא, את נישט נוגע דער הסתדרות".
חייקה גראסמאן, פאליטישער סעק־ רעטאר פון מפ"ם, וועלכע האט רעזו־ מירט די דיסקוסיע: "מפ"ם את קעגן אן איינהייטלעכער רעגירונג, אויך אויס ציטער פארן גורל פון דער אר־ בעטער"באוועגונג. מפ"ם וועט זיך קעגנשטעלן דער פארבעסערונג פונעם געזעץ "וועד איז א ייד" און דעם גע־ זעץ וועגן רבנישע געריכטן".
אלישע שפירא: "כ'וועל שטיצן יעטוועדן פרווו צו שאפן א רעגירונג אונטער דער אנפירונג פון מערך, אנעם ליכוד".
יופי לאופער: "גלייכער צו זיצן מיט רק"ח און דער פראגרעסיווער ליסטע, ווי מיטן הרב פרץ און ד"ר בורג. מפ"ם דארף זיין איינגעשטעלט אויף א ליג־ קער אריענטאציע".
נהום שור: "אן איינהייט־רעגירונג את א רעגירונג, אין וועלכער דאס קול וועט זיין פון שמעון פרס און די הענט — פון יצחק שמיר".
דער צענטראל־קאמיטעט פון מפ"ם האט מיט עקל אפגעווארפן די דער־ שיינונג כהנא מיט זיינע כוליגאנעס און גערופן צו א געזעץ און אקטיוון ווידערשטאנד צו צוימען שוין איצט דעם ברוטאלן ראסיזם. וועגן דעם האט תייקה גראסמאן געזאגט: "אין דער געשיכטע זענען שוין געווען שווארצע העמדלעך, דערנאך — ברוינע העמד־ לעך. צי וועלן מיר דולדן ביי אונדז די געלע העמדלעך פון כהנאס אנ־ הענגערס ?""
אין מפ"ם
movement in the hands of her generation.
"Everyone who could get out went. But in their defence it has to be said that in the spring of 1941 there was no sense that the Nazi invasion was imminent And it also has to be said that a group was sent from Vilna back to occupied War-saw to lead the movement there. And they led the uprising there"
The Nazi invasion came in June 1941.
As the youngest of the leadership, and as a woman, Chaika volun-leered to stay in Vilna. The last tram left for the East with the rest of the leadership Chaika, and Abba Kovner, remained.
MEANWHILE, with her straight blonde hair, fair skin and blue eyes, Chaika had discovered that she could pass as a Pole. During a roll-call at Vilna University she had as-founded the class and the professor when she answered to he name Haya Grossman, Some months lat-er under the Germans. a group of astonished young Poles watched her remove her yellow badge as she left a house where she lived as a Jew, "Ha look " they exclaimed, "there’s one of ours wearing a yel-low patch, just like a Jew?"
Thus began Chaika s life as Ha-lina Woronowicz and a string of oth-er noms de guerre, all with papers more or less convincing, secured for her by non-Jews - noble Poles, and even a few incredibly brave Ger-mans - to whom she pavs moving tribute in her book, People of the Underground.
Even before news seeped through about the mass shootings at Ponar that were to annihilate 60 000 of Vilna's 80.000 Jews. Chaika and Mordechai Tennenbaum sought in vain to enlist support from the head of the Jewish communifv for a resis tance group among the vouth
"'Kinder.' he said to us. ־Vilna isn’t Warsaw. There’s a ghetto there. Here there’s nothing Every Jew caught here is destined for death. Forget any idea of fighting!' A week later, he was dead"
As the Jews went into the ghetto, Chaika-Halina, having braved the German authorities and received a relocation certificate as a bombed-out Pole, began her new Aryan life as a cleaning woman in a workers’ soup kitchen, crawling into the huge vats to scrub them out with the scolding of a virulently anti-Semitic nun ringing in her ears. ־'Everything that was dirty was Jewish Little did she know that I was one of the dirty Jews! And early each morning, as I went to bring in the firewood for the ovens, I saw the long lines of Jews being marched off to their death.
"I was so desperately lonely, so utterly alone."
BUT THERE was no time for self-pity.
"Abba Kovner realized immedi-ately what was happening. I, too, had been to see how the Jews were lined up on the edge of the natural pits at Ponar and gunned down, dead and half-dead, into them.
"We knew that wherever the Na-zis were in Europe, the Jews would be slaughtered. It was useless to flee from ghetto to ghetto.
"So we decided we had to fight back We would not just die quietly. We would not go like sheep to the slaughter! At the least, we urged, Jews ,hould try to escape into the forests My job was to seek arms and shuttle between the various ghettos. In January 1942,1 travelled to Bialystok and Warsaw, crossing two sets of German borders, to alert the movement there to what was happening and to try to obtain arms and money for arms."
For the next seven months she
challenged him 'What do you want,' he said. ־You can’t have nice clothes and go to a private school on nothing!’ We didn’t speak for a week or two. But I didn’t offer to leave my school." she chuckles
CHAIKA was quickly plunged into Jewish politics There were heated discussions with the Bund: "We met only in May Day demonstrations, but then we marched in two camps -they with the PPS [Polish Socialist Party] and we with the Zionist Workers But we also argued end-lessly with Betar insisting, against their cries to the contrary , that fas-cism even their beloved Mussolini’s brand, could end only in anti-Semitism "
But. she admits, she knew little of the Jewish proletariat In Bialystok, Hashomer Hatza’ir - for all its giv-ing her a socialist education bal-anced by Yiddish literature and Hassidic tales and tunes - tended to embrace only Jewish high-school pupils The poorer youngsters joined either the Communists or the Bund and there was some fear that trying to draw them in might boo-merang. "We. as Zionists, were tol-erated because the Polish govern-ment considered us Communists for export.’ "
When the day for her 'export’ came, the movement decided that she must defer accepting the certifi-cate to Palestine that she received as a student accepted by the Hebrew University m 1938.
"It was all part and parcel of Ha-shomer education - the individual must shoulder responsibility, it can’t be shrugged off onto others. I had to take my turn in leadership."
There followed a year of move-ment work in the Brest-Litovsk (Brisk) region. Then she hoped, she would finally be allowed to leave for Palestine and her studies. Bui m 1401A--W1111 111L Ou man army mass~ ing, she was called to Warsaw and told that she was to be part of the movement’s Hanhaga Bet, its un-derground command. There was no appeal.
THE GERMANS rolled into Bialy-stok for a week: "Smart uniforms, polished boots. A bit of sporadic shooting. The Jews were terrified. A teenager was gunned down in our street. No one came out. But my father immediately phoned for an ambulance, went out, and brought the lad in.
"Then the Germans pulled out, to be succeeded by the Soviets, and the Jews believed the Messiah had come. Even my father, the capital-ist, put up the red flag! The house filled with refugees from the Nazi-occupied west, and the move to Vil-na, capital of still-independent Lith-uania, began. That was my next mission, including a 15-kilometre hike through the snow and over the borders.
"Everyone was there: Moshe Sneh, Yitzhak Greenbaum, Mena-chem Begin, all the Bund leaders."
But Chaika was soon sent off to Kovno to work with youth groups that, under the Soviet occupation, had now been declarer! illegal.
"There was a trial of a group of our members in Lvov at the end of 1940," she recalls. "Caught red-handed running a printing press, they tried to argue before a Soviet court that we, too, believed in so-cialism, but socialism for the Jewish people. It didn’t work. They van-ished without a trace."
There is more than a shade of bitterness in her voice as she recalls that on returning to Vilna she was for a third time told that she must relinquish her renewed Palestine student immigration certificate. All the senior members of the leader-ship set off for Palestine, leaving the
Years of fear and revolt
The indomitable Chaika Grossman, one of Israel's most respected political personalities, has just served her last term in the Knesset. The former partisan fighter and Mapam firebrand, talks to The Post's Dvorah Getzler
IT IS "the loneliness of it! The awful, utter loneliness!" that Chaika Grossman recalls today as she conjures up the years of fear from 1939 to 1944', when, in the heart of Nazi-occuped Poland, and posing as a non-Jew, she travelled from ghetto to ghetto, arguing with the Judenraete, rousing the youth of Hashomer Hatza'ir to armed revolt, and eventually taking to the forests as a partisan.
Behind the terrible words ring others, the poet Shaul Tcherni-kovsky’s credo: "Sneer, sneer at the dreams of which, I the dreamer, whisper! Scorn me that I still believe in man and his brave spirit!"
And there echoes, too, Gross-man’s own cri de coeur from the Knesset podium in the spring of 1987, several months before the start of the intifada: "There can be no enlightened occupation! Let all who hold Zionism dear cast off any illusion that an occupation that lords it over a million-and-a-half Arabs can be humane...
"I have taken an oath, as a Jew, to do all in my power to ensure that my people shall never again be helpless, for the helpless have their backs to the wall and have no choice. All they can do is fight to the end, often to a bitter end. And I have taken a seond oath: always to try to find the alternative. We are no longer like sheep being led to the slaughter, no longer helpless. Shall we then bang our heads against the wall without seeking another solution? Do we want another Masada?"
Those who have no answer other than to close newspapers, ban books, fire on demonstrators, will, she warned then, "lead us to the brink, if not into the abyss."
THE GROSSMAN family dream began at the turn of the century, when grandfather Yisrael and grandmother Faige Grossman made the trek from Bialystok to settle in Mea She’arim: the one to study Tora, the other to work and support her large family.
It was then that Nahum Gross-man, Chaika’s father, first showed signs of the rebellion that years later was to ensure his children a secular upbringing: he was caught pinning up the hem of his long kapota to make it into a short coat. The pun-ishment for that crime led him to run away and wander for some time - "time enough to learn Arabic" -among the Beduin before he re-turned home. There followed a spell in Egypt, as a result of bad times in Palestine for the Grossman family. And then there came the split, with some of the tribe returning to Mea She’arim. some travelling to the U.S. and some, including Nahum, returning to Bialystok.
Chaika attended the Tarbut school from the outset: "The only concession my father made to grandpa was to 'sacrifice’ my sister and send her to the Tahkemoni reli-gious Zionist school."
At age nine, Chaika joined Ha-shomer Hatza’ir. "It was the move-ment of the best in the class. But that wasn’t all. I still remember how shocked I was when my mother sent me to fetch shoes from the cobbler. I had never been in that quarter before and I was horrified to see kids running round in that awful cold winter half-naked and bare-foot. My mother laughed. 'That’s life,’ she said. 'Some are rich and some are poor.’ Next day, at school, I talked to an older girl. She told me there was a country where they didn’t believe in inequalities. And there was Hashomer Hatza’ir. she said. So I went along.
"Later, I learned through a Bund newspaper of a strike at my father’s factory. I was horrified. My father, an exploiter of the masses! And I
FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1988
I HK JERl SALEMJPgSJAlAG A/INE
PAGE FOUR
Kibbutznikit Chaika with immigrants at a ma’bara (the man in the hat is a relative from the U.S.)
at Latrun without ever learning that they had family and friends here.
"It haunts me to this day."
What followed for her was mem-bership in Kibbutz Evron, marriage to her former youth leader, Meir Orkin - "he waited 12 years for me"
- and the long climb up the political ladder.
CHAIKA IS reluctant to say that veteran Mapam leader Meir Ya’ari deliberately kept her from Knesset membership until 1969. But she ad-mits that "I was either too indepen-dent, or too left wing to move ahead quickly."
Certainly she has been a Mapam firebrand, fiercely opposed to the alignment with the Labour Party in 1969, returning to the attack in 1976 and again in 1981, and then, in 1984, with the establishment of the nation-al-unity coalition, triumphantly leading the party out of the Labour Alignment and into an always ac-tive, often bitter, opposition.
But Chaika - who has headed the Knesset Labour and Social Affairs Committee, authored some progres-sive private member’s bills, always took up the cudgels for the weak against the strong, fought fiercely to ensure equal rights for women, bat-tied against the national-service de-ferments granted to Haredi men and exemptions granted to religious women, struggled to secure a digni-fied living for Righteous Gentiles -has won the respect of the entire House.
Since 1977 (with a break from 1981 to 1984 when she was not an MK), she has been a familiar figure seated on the podium as Deputy Speaker, wielding her gavel vigor-ously and fearlessly.
She won’t be back. "Enough is enough!" she says, adding that she is contemplating more writing, a con-frontation with the sense of betrayal she felt on the outbreak of war, an explanation of why it was so difficult to share the horror of that other planet with those who were not there.
She leaves the Knesset with a heavy weight on her heart.
"It terrifies me to see my people becoming a herd driven by blind hatred. It negates all that we have stood for, all that we dreamed and struggled for.
"We have always tried to main-tain our humanity, even in war. To-day, behaviour once regarded as an aberration and punished by ostra-cism is, if not accepted, then investi-gated only superficially, and swept under the carpet to be forgotten. I have no faith in these investigations - especially since the start of the intifada.
"I have lost so much of my faith in our ability to maintain the moral basis of Zionism - and it has always seemed to me that Zionism, the es-tablishment of a home for the Jew-ish people, is a profoundly moral movement. But we are destroying it with our own hands.
"Begin’s comparisons of Israel’s situation with that of the Jews of the Warsaw Ghetto are nonsense. But they have legitimized Geula Cohen, and there’s no difference between her and Meir Kahane.
"We do have a choice! We don’t have our backs to the wall. We are physically strong. But we are in a moral skid.
"All I can hope is that we come to our senses before tragedy strikes. We have paid enough. It would be better if the Palestinian problem were not ours. But it is. It would be easier if the Palestinians were more rational. But in that matter we have no choice. Just as we have no choice but to realize that this is our home-land, this is our Jewish people. I may not always love them. But I can’t live without them." □
gime’s security forces for a few months. But she would not join the Communist Party.
" 'Why not?’ I was asked by the local secretary. I explained that I belonged to Hashomer Hatza’ir and was a Zionist. 'But,’ the woman said, 'after all that has happened, we Communists will accept Jewish na-tionalism.’ But I didn’t believe it. I said I wanted proof. I’m still waiting."
With the liberation of Warsaw, she was, at her request, released from her post with a warm hand-shake and given a plane ride to the capital, "to look for Jews."
In September 1945, Chaika made her first trip out of Poland, to attend the World Zionist Conference in London.
"It was a time of tremendous emotion: the first time we, the survi-vors, met each other and met those from the West; the time, too, of Hiroshima." But Poland and the rescue of Jews remained the focus of her work for the next two years.
י As the State of Israel was pro-claimed on May 14, 1948, Chaika and 2,000 other young Jews who had survived the Holocaust celebrated aboard the SS Providence. Ten days later they docked in Haifa.
"The men were taken from the ship and sent to the front. Many fell
"Oh, yes, I often lost heart. I had watched the selections, had been in the fighting in the ghetto. I’d seen it fall. When the two of us who were left made our way to the Aryan side, we wondered what point there was in going on living. Now we were so alone, so terribly, painfully isolated from all human contact and in an implacably hostile environment. That was the worst time, those six months between the fall of the ghet-to and joining the partisans."
AS THE RUSSIAN counter-offen-sive drew ever nearer and the pa-thetically small, weak Jewish groups were co-opted to Soviet-backed bands, Chaika joined the Klinovsky Partisan Brigade, working with four other young Jewish women in the grandiloquently named Anti-Fascist Committee. She was back in her all too familiar role as liaison, but now she moved between town and forest.
But even when liberation came, she knew no rest.
"The few Jews who remained, hidden like animals in the ruins, were slaughtered by Poles. We had to do something. But there was no one to do it with besides Poland’s new Communist government."
Chaika, who later received Po-land’s highest award for valour, the Gruenwald Cross, joined the re-
dered by the Germans. Chaika’s brother fell as a Red Army soldier. Her sister was saved by two non-Jewish friends who found her work as a servant in a German household, despite her Jewish looks; she later went with Chaika to the partisans and came to Israel in 1948.)
"IT SOUNDS," Chaika admits, "like a tale out of the Arabian Nights. But it’s all true: the Poles who helped - Catholics most of them, not the Left at first; the cou-pie of Germans who were in league with the partisans, supplying weap-ons and intelligence; even a member of the Nazi Party who regularly re-newed my forged work permit, hid one of the women I smuggled out of the ghetto, and helped me, too, af-ter the fall of the ghetto! That man went to the labour exchange for me, stamped my card himself, and had me on his work force! And he had even been hiding a friend of mine without my being aware of it.
"Why did they do it? Because they had heard what was happening to the Jews, and it shocked them.
"One gave us a bit of trouble, because, as a devout Christian, he saw us as the chosen people, and the chosen people had no business using the devil’s weapons even against the Nazi devil. God and the spirit alone were enough!
crisscrossed Poland, in and out of the ghettos of Vilna, Bialystok, Lu-blin, Warsaw, Czestochowa, Grod-no. Her papers were lost and re-created, suspected and reforged (particularly by Abba Kovner, whose forgeries were better even than the originals).
The Germans were bluffed and double-bluffed. Once Chaika bluffed her way past the Nazi guards wearing a huge German hat, a pre-cious machine gun hidden between two boards draped over her arm. Papers were stolen and forged for others and Chaika was the contact here, too, supplying the documents, leading the rescued out of the ghet-tos and into hiding, often in quarters she had rented ahead of time in her Aryan persona.
In Bialystok, Chaika lived in the ghetto as long as it lasted, armed with a chit from Judenrat leader Barash that she was in the organiza-tion’s employ. "The chit was for the Jewish police!" she says scornfully.
Chaika’s book, recently published in English, makes it strikingly clear that she had no time for the Jewish police, the Judenraete and "all those collaborators who waxed fat on the sufferings of their people." The long spoon used by these people to sup with the Nazi devil was never long enough to save them from complic-ity in drawing up the lists of depor-tees marked for death, and the first to go were always the old, the sick, and the poor, who could not buy time and mercy.
The story is confirmed, time and again, by reference to the Juden-raete’s own protocols.
"Barash was a fairly decent man, one of the very few Judenrat leaders we could even begin to talk to," she says. "But he was so ambivalent: we could tell him very little. He and so many in all the Judenraete went right along with what the Nazis wanted them to believe: that the Jews could save themselves by doing the Nazis’ bidding, by being productive. He was so proud of all the goods the ghetto turned out for the German Army, so ashamed when there was any criticism of the quality.
"He used to warn us not to do anything before we had consulted him. There must be no armed rising before it was clear that the ghetto was to be destroyed. But there was a first Aktion, and 12,000 Jews were herded off to Treblinka, after he himself had promised that 'only’ 6,000 would go, and more followed, and he still only half believed us.
"We wanted money for the pa-thetically few weapons we managed to get hold of. And he had ways of getting the money. But he always made the same excuse, always hid behind the others on the Judenrat'. 'I don’t control the purse strings.’
"But we Hashomer Hatza’ir peo-pie, and the Communists, did kill Germans, and we did it immediately after that first Aktion, in February 1942.1 had it from a gravedigger in a house where I had rented a room for someone I smuggled out. 'I just bur-ied five Germans,’ he told me. 'The Zhidki ["Kikes"] killed them!’
"Yes, it was a hopeless battle. But that is not the point. Sometimes I’m asked why we took up arms so late, or why we didn’t concentrate in-stead on saving people by getting them to the partisans. But all that’s irrelevant.
"The choice was between one sort of death and another - death with honour. And even that choice was open only to the young and the or-ganized like us. There was no choice for the others.
"I couldn’t even save my own mother! She perished with all those in the ghetto!"
(Nahum Grossman, Chaika’s fa-ther, deported to Pinsk as a "bour-geois" by the Russians, was mur-
Chaika in London after the war. Zionist leaders: (l.to r.) R. Ben-Shalom, A. Ben-Yisrael, M. Ya'ari, and Y. Hazan
PAGE FIVE
THE JERUSALEM POST MAGAZINE
FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1988
Pointed arguments
ter Yitzhak Shamir is not trying to force Rabin into taking drastic mea-sures, because he is afraid such pres-sure may bring down the coallition.
Who suffers the consequences, Armoni asks? The settlers - because they must contend with stones and petrol-bombs.
THESE CLAIMS cut no ice with some of the listeners. "You entered a thorn-field, you continue sitting there, and scream 'Help, it pricks!’ "Hasida Pa’il said. The fact Jews lived here 2,000 years ago gives the settlers no right to ignore what had happeneed here since then, a trtember of the audience argued. "You hike through Arab villages and behave like occupiers. Human beings live there. Can anyone be surprised that the reaction is anger and stones?"
The settlers expect "deluxe Zion-ism," Danny Biran of Kibbutz Sasa added. They can’t put up with at-tacks, and baulk at demands they take circuitous routes to avoid driv-ing through Palestinian localities. "When katyushas fell in Sasa, or when we were told to take round-about roads, we didn’t think we were 'losing the right to Eretz Yis-rael.’ But you are ready to shed innocent blood [to have your way.]"
"When a katyusha lands in Kiryat Shmona or Sasa," Armoni rebutted, "it is clear that the IDF will do its utmost to return fire. A retaliation is launched the following day. You en-joy a sense of unity, cooperation; hence can withstand the hardships. Our cry evolves from a deep *nsult that the IDF is not doing the ut-most."
"Force is essential," he contin-ued. " We will not exist in Eretz Yisrael without it." During the 1929 riots in Hebron, Arabs killed the pharmacist at Beit Hadassah even though that hospital had served them. "That’s the way the Arabs are. They did it all the time," he argued.
''Look at the past 10 years in Leb-(Continued on page 10)
they decided not to go to Paris and New York but to come here and build settlements, were they doing something sane? Sane Zionism will never bring even one Jew to Eretz Yisrael!"
Moreover, what are the settlers doing? Just following goals which are "no different from those of the first Zionist dreamers," Armoni said; in fact, they were far more restrained than their predecessors.
When the State of Israel was es-tablished, entire villages were wiped off the face of the earth so that the Jews could inherit their lands, he claimed. He offered to provide those villages’ names. Who benefit-ed from that? Mapam-affiliated kibbutzim! Yad Mordechai, Negba, Baram..."they all live off Arab lands."
Some military operations, during and after the War of Independence, were designed to expel Arabs, he
Joshua Brilliant
continued, citing the occupation of Lod and Ramla. Who did that? The fathers of Zionism, not Gush Emunim.
Today, on the other hand, settlers cannot put up even one electric pole without the Justice Ministry’s Plia Albeck verifying that no Arab land is affected, he added.
THE SETTLERS were not trying to attain the impossible, Armoni insist-ed, alleging that it is the faint-heart-ed government which is to blame for refusing to take the steps required to quell the Palestinian uprising: it should have expelled the intifada’s leaders and put an end to the PLO’s activity in East Jerusalem.
Instead, Armoni continued, De-fence Minister Yitzhak Rabin pur-posely avoids quelling the intifada because he expects it to serve his political goals. He wants to bring the Palestinians to the negotiating table and compromise. And Prime Minis-
GIDI SAPIR stood up in the back row, identified himself as a member of Mapam’s Young Guard, and warned the two settlers: " We’re not afraid of you. We shall appear in all the places you claim - and confront you. We’re no bleeding hearts: we’re strong too."
On the dais, Rabbi Dov Berko-vitz, chairman of Shilo’s secretariat, looked concerned, chose his words carefully, but suggested that clashes may lead to a civil war.
The exchange took place on Sun-day at one of the Left’s bastions: the basement conference hall at Ma-pam’s headquarters in Tel Aviv. The meeting, part of a series of events called Political Coffee, brought together also Gush Emun-im’s Secretary-General Yitzhak Ar-moni, Peace Now leader Avshalom Villan, and Oz veShalom spokes-man Johanan Flusser.
Flusser and Villan blasted the set-tiers, accusing them of being driven by messianism and trying to force an entire country into doing as they wish. Messianism, Flusser charged, even led the settlers into trying "to compel the Almighty to bring about the Redemption." In their "pure messianic madness," they legiti-mized murder.
Villan conceded that while Zion-ism had always been messianic, it was also realistic. "Whoever built Negba was realistic: knew what could be done and what couldn’t. But you are trying to drag an entire nation into doing the impossible. In-stead of realizing we’re facing a po-litical problem, that we need a polit-ical compromise, you seek to force a [unilateral] solution. According to you the whole world can say whatev-er it wants, the hell with reality, you want all of Eretz Yisrael and you’ll prove its possible."
THE SETTLERS countered that messianism was essential to building the land. "When our grandmothers and grandfathers w'alked here from Russia, did they do something sane?" Berkovitz asked. "When
ARGUMENTS
grenade attack on Peace Now dem-onstrators, will not be the only fatal-ity. It is "our luck" that the extremists distinguish between Jew-ish and Arab blood, Flusser said cynically. That’s why, at this mo-ment, he didn’t believe the extrem-ists will try to gun down Jewish op-ponents."But in some circumstances it may happen," he warned.
Armoni was clearly concerned. "If we don’t talk, don’t meet, the inability to understand one another will intensify. If we continue on the path we are following today, we will reach disaster."
the State to a situation in which we won’t be able to live together. You are creating moral chaos, first in the West Bank and then within the Green Line. You refuse to condemn Rabbi Levinger for talking about 'the privilege’ of killing an Arab. No one condemned Rabbi Ginzburg for saying there is a difference between a Jew’s and an Arab’s blood." Unchecked extremism may lead settlers to attack Jewish opponents as well; and the death of Emil Grunzweig, killed during a hand-
down on Israel. Engage in mass ar-rests? "Do you want to put 1.5 mil-lion people in jail?" someone asked.
TWO LISTENERS said there was no sense in talking to the settlers: "We have no common ground," Al Hamishmar’s Gabi Bashan argued. "We’ve got to expel them from the community." "But they’re your brothers, you can’t cut [them off]," someone shouted.
Nevertheless, Villan warned, a split was possible. "You are leading
(Continued from page 9) anon, and you’ll realize who sur-rounds us. Any agreement signed there in the evening is broken by morning."
But to Peace Now’s Villan the Lebanese example proved that po-litical problems cannot be solved by force. In 1982, Israel sent six divi-sions into Lebanon. Did that help? Did the great Red Army succeed in Afganistan? A political compromise is necessary, he insisted.
Moreover, what can Israel do to quell the intifada? Expell the Pales-, tinians? The expulsion of even one village would bring the Americans
7.7.1989
26.3.1990
fHE JERUSALEM
POST
Granot now Марат chairman
Sitting акте with his shadow in the car park outside the Марат con-vention hail, Ehezer Granot pre-pares the speech w hich helped his election as party chairman. (Ippa)
By JACOB WIRTSCHAFTER Jerusalem Post Reporter GIVATAYIM - Elazer Granot, who was Mapam’s general secre-tary, was elected party chairman yesterday by a vote of*380 to 215.
The post of general secretary was abolished earlier this month, and delegates reconvened to a select a candidate for the newly created post of party chairman.
The challenger, former Kibbutz Artzi secretary Imri Ron, was un-able to convince delegates that the party's restructuring required new leadership, largely because Granot is credited with Mapam’s version of perestroika.
As general secretary, Granot fashioned the strategy for Mapam’s reemergence as an independent par-ty by offering itself as an alternative to Labour.
Granot, in contrast to Ron, has long supported running separate lists of Марат candidates for Knes-set and Histradrut elections. He is also associated with the party’s "peace" wing. "We were the first Zionist paity to call for mutual rec-ognition between Israel and the Pal-estinians. We were the first Zionist party Jo call for fa! . with the PLO. And we are the only party that ties the problems of peace to the strug-gle for economic justice," Granot told The. Jerusalem Post. , סגור